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LBSNAA
BIOGRAPHY
OF
DHARMASVAMIN
(Chag lo t?#-ba Chos-rje-dpal )
A TIBETAN MONK PILGRIM
ORIGINAL TIBETAN TEXT
deciphered and translated by
Dr. GEORGE ROERICH, [M.A., Ph.D.,
PROFESSOR AND THE HEAD OF THE DEPARTMENT OF PHILOSOPHY,
INSTITUTE OF ORIENTAL STUDIES, THE AG AD AM V OF
SCIENCES, MOSCOW, U. S, S. R.
With a historical and critical Introduction
By
Dr. A. S. ALTEKAR
Director
K. P. JAYASWAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE
K. R. JAYASWAL
RESEARCH INSTITUTE
PATNA
1?S9 ]
PUBLISHED ON BEHALF OF THE
KASHI PRASAD JAYASWAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE,
PATNA
BY ITS DIRECTOR, DR. A. S. ALTEKAR, M.A., LL.B., D.LITT.
All rights reserved
PRINTED IN INDIA
BY
SIIANTILAL JAIN
AT SHRI JA1NENDRA PRESS, JAW Ml ARN AGAR,
DELHI INDIA.
i. The Government of Bihar established the K. P. Jayaswal
Research Institute at Patna in 1951 with the object, inter-alia>
to promote historical research, archaeological excavations and
investigations and publication of works of permanent value
to scholars. This Institute is one of the five others established
by this Government as a token of their homage to the
traditition of learning and scholarship for which ancient Bihar
was noted. Apart from the Jayaswal Research Institute,
five others have been established to give incentive to research
and advancement of knowledge, the Nalanda Institute of
Research and Post-Graduate Studies in Buddhist Learning and
Pali at Nalanda, the Mithila Institute of Research and Post-
Graduate Studies in Sanskrit Learning at Darbhanga, the
Bihar Rashtra Bbasha Parishad for Research and advanced
Studies in Hindi at Patna, the Institute of Post-Graduate Studies
and Research in Jain and Prakrit Learning at Vaishali and
the Institute of Post-Graduate Studies and Research in Arabic
and Persian Learning in Patna.
2. As part of this programme of rehabilitating and
reorientating ancient learning and scholarship, the editing and
publication of the Tibetan Sanskrit Text Scries was undertaken
by the K. P. Jayaswal Research Institute with the co-operation
of scholars in Bihar and outside. It has also started a new
Historical Research Series for elucidating the history and
culture of Bihar and India. This book is the 2nd volume
of this series. The Government of Bihar hope to continue to
sponsor such projects and trust that this humble service to the
world of scholarship and learning would bear fruit in the
fulness of time.
PREFACE
The Kashi Prasad Jayaswal Research Institute, Patna has
great pleasure in offering to the learned public the biography
of Chag lo-tsa-ba Chos-rje-dpal, (Dharmasvamin), a Tibetan
monk pilgrim, who was in Bihar in 1234*6 A. D. and has
described its condition in great detail. I may refer the reader
to my Introduction ( pp. i-xxxviii ) for the great cultural and
historical importance of the work. It is for the first time that
an account about India, proceeding from the pen of a Tibetan
pilgrim, is seeing the light of the day.
The Institute desires to express its indebtedness to Tri-
pi taka charya Rahula Sankrityayana, the indefatiguable explorer
and scholar, for the photostatic copy of the MS. of the bio-
graphy, lying in the monastery of sNar-than in the gTsan province
of central Tibet. It is grateful to Prof. G. Roerich, M. A., Ph. D.,
Professor and Head of the Department of Philosophy at the
Institute of the Oriental Studies, Moscow, for having deciphered
the Tibetan text from a single photostatic copy of the MS. and
for having translated it into English. It is thankful to the
Bihar Research Society, Patna, which is the custodion of the
photostatic copies brought by Mahapandita Rahula Sankritya-
yana, for having placed the photographs of the MS. at the
disposal of the K. P. Jayaswal Research Institute in order to get
them translated and published.
PATNA
I-7-I959.
A. S. Altekar
Director ,
K. P. Jayaswal Research Institute
INTRODUCTION OF THE GENERAL EDITOR
Section I
Importance of the Work
The life of Chag lo-Tsa-ba Chos-rje-dpal (the translator
Dharmasvamin) belongs to that class of the sources of Indian
history, which consists of the accounts of foreign travellers,
merchants and pilgrims, who had visited India and had later
left an account of their life, experiences and travels. Works
belonging to this class are not numerous and I am thankful
to Dr. G. Roerich for undertaking the difficult work of
deciphering the book from a single Manuscript and pre-
paring its English translation. Like Fa Hi an, Yuan Chwang
and I-tsing, Dharmasvamin was a Buddhist. He however
hailed from Tibet and not from China. There was a good deal
of intercourse between Tibet and Northern India from r. 600 to
1300 A.D. Hundreds of Indian monks went to the Land of the
Snow during this period, but they were apparently too engrossed
in translating Sanskrit Buddhist works in Tibetan to find any
time to give us an account of their country of adoption. A number
of Tibetan monks visited India, studied at Nalanda or Vikrama-
Sila and went back to their home to give their countrymen the
fruits of their study. Chaglo-Tsa-ba Chos rje-dpal seems to be
the only one among them who left notes about the account of
India, her people, customs and institutions. We must therefore
be very grateful to Upasaka Chos-dar, the biographer, for giving
us an account of the life and travels of Dharmasvamin. 1 The
author of this work relied mostly on the account dictated by
Dharmasvamin, and so the work may be regarded as giving us
almost an eye witness’ account of the incidents and conditions
narrated therein.
,, 1 . For the sake of convenience vve shall use this Sanskrit name to denote
•the author,
11 INTRODUCTION OF GENERAL EDITOR
Compared to the works of Fa Hian, Yuan Chwang and
I-tsing, the present book is a small one. Its importance is how-
ever none-the-less very great. In order reconstruct the his-
tory of India of the 5th and 7th centuries, we have several sources
other than the narratives of the Chinese pilgrims. The history
of northern India during the first half of the 13th century has
been so far reconstructed mainly from the accounts of Muslim
historians. Non-Muslim sources are very few and the present
work, which describes the condition of Bihar as actually seen by
an impartial Tibetan pilgrim, will rank very high among them.
Section II
Indo-Tibetan Intercourse
We have already pointed out how the Indo-Tibetan inter-
course began in the 7th century; its condition during the
first half of the 13th century is partly revealed by the present
work. The Muslim conquest and the destruction, partial or
complete, of the Buddhist places of pilgrimage like Bodha-Gaya,
Nalanda and Vikramasila, had naturally resulted in a great set
back to the flow of the Tibetan pilgrims and scholars to India.
The more enterprising among them like Dharmasvamin used to
undertake the risk of the Indian journey in order to pay homage?
to the Buddha temple at Bodha-Gaya. Many well wishers used
to dissuade them, while a few would encourage them, as was the
experience of Dharmasvamin. His uncle, the elder Dharma-
svamin, had braved the journey to India, but alas ! he died before
returning to Tibet. There was another Tibetan monk studying
with Rahula-§rl-bhadra. He also died in India in c. 1234 A.D.
At the time of Dharmasvamin’ s visit in 1234-36, Buddhist
Manuscript libraries had been mostly destroyed. We do not find
Dharmasvamin getting any copies of manuscripts from Bodha-
Gaya or Nalanda. Such books, as he carried with him to Tibet,
were copied in Nepala monasteries. The account of Dharmasva-
min makes it clear that after the Muslim destruction of important
places of learning in Bihar, Tibetan scholars used to repair to the,
monasteries in Nepala and not in India for higher education. *
INDO-TIBETAN INTERCOURSE
111
India however still continued to enjoy the reputation of the
ideal place for higher studies. When Dharmasvamin returned
from India, his reputation spread far and wide. At Lhassa,
he met an Indian monk, named Danasri, long domiciled in
Tibet. He said to him ‘You have studied for a long time in
India, whereas I became like cattle by staying here* (p. 106). 1
Tibetan scholars, who stayed at places like Bodha-Gaya
and Nalanda, usually lived on alms or were able to get free
food and accommodation in local monasteries. Some of them
however used to work as interpreters. The elder Dharmasvamin
worked as an interpreter to Sakyasri, Budhasri and RatnasrI
(pp. 51-2 ). 1 The younger Dharmasvamin also worked for some-
time as an interpreter for a party which had come to Gaya.
Indian Buddhism had naturally exercised considerable
influence over the Tibetan Buddhism in the literary and philo-
sophical spheres. The practice of Tantric processes and mystic
Mandalas, the worship of deities like Aparajita, Khasarpana
Avalokitesvara, Remata and Blue Acliala and the study of
Paramita works like Ashtasahasrikas and Panchavirnsati-sahasri-
kas had become very popular. Our present work shows that
architecture also did not remain uninfluenced. It points out how
the court-yard of the Vajrasana temple had gates to the east,
north and west but none to the south, and observes that Tibetan
temples and monastic courtyards followed the example and did
not provide for any gate to the south (p.73) .
Section III
The Life of Dharmasvamixt
The main incidents in the life of Dharmasvamin are given
by Dr. G. Roerich in his introduction, (pp. xxxix-lxv) but a few
points be further elucidated. Before leaving Tibet in ,1226,
Dharmasvamin had devoted about 22 years to his primary and
higher education in his own country. He began his work with
studying the alphabets, among which was included the Vartula
• 1 . Bracketed page numbers in the Introduction refer to the page numbers
of the English translation at the end of this book.
IV
INTRODUCTION OF THE GENERAL EDITOR
or the Vaivarta script oflndia. Most probably the contemporary
script in Bihar, the proto-Bengali-cum-proto-Maithili script,
was known by this appellation, though we have no other evidence
upon the point. The letters of this script, as preserved in Tibetan
Sanskrit MSS do look roundish. As in India of the days of
Yuan Chwang, Sabdavidya (grammar) Hetuvidya (iogic),
Adhyatmavidya (philosophy) and Abhidhanna (higher philo-
sophy) were the main subjects of study in Tibetan monasteries in
the 13th century and Dharmavsvarnin spent considerable time
in mastering them while in Tibet. Works on Yoga, Tantra
and the Guhyasamaja loomed large in the Tibetan course and
naturally ; for the contemporary Buddhism in Tibet attached
high value to them. Dharmasvamin had also become an expert
in drawing Mandalas. He mentions that Chikitsa (medicine)
and Silpasthana, ( sculpture and architecture ) were also culti-
vated ; this must have been true only of those monks, who wanted
to work in the monastic hospitals or intended to direct the work
of the construction of temples and monasteries. Dharmasvamin
had acquired considerable mastery over subjects like grammar,
philosophy and logic in his own country. He had a sharp
memory and his biographer tells us that he could recite the books
from memory and did not require the palm of his hand to hold
them (p. 52). He had also studious and persevering habits.
He did not separate himself from pen and ink from the age of
17 to 45 (p. 51). His devotion to studies reminds us of the
Naishthika Brahrnaeharin of the Hindu tradition, who spent
their entire life in the cause of sacred learning.
Dharmasvamin was not merely interested in Indian
scholarship, but also in Indian scholars. He gives us an account
of the legendary life of Kalidasa (pp. 82-5), and also of the
Sdstrdrtha between Chandrakirti and Chandragomin (pp. 91-2).
Dharmasvamin was 29 when he completed his studies in
Tibet and decided to go to Nepala, which was then a famous
centre of higher Indian studies. He spent eight years at Svayam-
bhu Chaitya and Dharmadhatu Vihara, situated on the
border of Tibet and Nepala. His preceptors were Ratnarakshita
and Ravindra, who appear to be Indians. Of these the first
TIBETAN INTERCOURSE
V
was aTantrikaand taught his pupil the mandala-sadhana and
Guhvasamaja works including Vajrdvali. The second preceptor
Ravlndra did not believe in Tantric practices and emphasised
upon the mind of his Tibetan pupil the futility of imprecations
and magic (p. 56). Our pilgrim studied Pltakas also in Nepala.
Ratnarakshita was perhaps the more famous of the two ; he had
received as presents 300 Gurughantas from perhaps as many
different disciples, whom he had trained.
After finishing his education in Nepala, Dharmasvamin
decided to go to India in 1234 A.D. He was then 37 years in age.
The conditions in Bihar were very much unsettled ; the province
had been recently overrun by the Muslims and they had not yet
succeeded in establishing any settled administration. Life and
property of Hindus and Buddhists were not safe. The difficul-
ties in the way of a non-Indian Buddhist were greater still.
When our pilgrim announced his intention to proceed to India,
majority of his advisers tried to dissuade him, pointing out that
there might be accident to his life. Dharmasvamin’s own uncle
had died in India 18 years earlier, and so the apprehension was
not unjustified. Two of Dharmasvamin’s Gurus Tsahpa Gye-re
and Ravindra encouraged him. The latter said, ‘There will be no
danger We, father <md son, (i.e. the Guru and his disciple)
• shall meet again* (p. 57). Dharmasvamin’s one ambition from
his childhood was to visit India and offer his prayer at the
Vajrasana. He was a man of resolute will and grim deter-
mination ; the stories of the dangers on the way from robbers,
wild animals and Muslim soldiers did not unnerve him, and
he started on his journey all alone in 1234 A. D., as his
attendant had died in Nepala just at that time.
Unfortunately the work does not give us a precise account
of the journey of the pilgrim. He spent his first rainy season
retreat ( vassd ) at Bodha-Gaya (p. 74) and the second one at
Nalanda (p. 95). Very likely he started on his journey in the
spring of 1234 A.D., say in March, and spent about three months
in travelling across Nepala to Tirhut. 1 He probably reached it
I . It i* difficult to understand why 90 days should be necessary to cross
Nepala and reach Tirhut. Probably the pilgrim might have halted on the way.
VI
INTRODUCTION OF THE GENERAL EDITOR
in May, for he must have planned to be in that holy Tlrtha on the
day of Sambodhi, i.e. Vaisakhl Purnima or the full moon day of
May. He had however to flee away for 1 7 days owing to the appre-
hended Muslim attack. Thereafter he returned and could carry
on his worship to his heart’s content.* He states expressly that he
spent the first vassa at Bodha-Gaya ; so he must have stayed there
from July to October 1234. In the early part of the winter of
1234 Dharmasvamin seems to have visited some minor places
of worship both of the Buddhists and Hindus, including a temple
of Kali, which was supposed to be associated with the great poet
Kalidasa. He then visited Gridhrakiita and Rajagriha, probably
in the month of January 1235 A. D. At Rajagriha there was
Mahapandita YaSomitra with whom Dharmasvamin studied
many doctrines (p. 89 ) . He might have spent about four months
there,- January to April 1235. He then went to Nalanda to
study under Rahula-srI-Bhadra, who was the head abbot and
more than 90 years in age. He was a specialist in grammar
and there were still 70 students reading under him. 1 He also
knew Tibetan well, for he assisted Dharmasvamin in translating
Kalachakravatia into Tibetan during the latter’s stay at Nalanda.
His new Guru did not want him to spend a second vassa in India,
as a year before a Tibetan monk reading with him had died of
high fever; he therefore pressed him to return to Tibet. But Dharma-
svamin was not anxious to cross the Ganga in the rainy season
and preferred to spend it at Nalanda in order to complete his stu-
dies. As apprehended by his Guru he however fell ill ; his
body was covered all over with boils, which caused intense pain
(p. 95)* He however recovered, though he continued to be
very weak. In spite of his illness and weakness, in spite of the
Muslim onslaughts off and on, he continued his studies at Nalanda,
till they were completed, probably by March 1236. He then
begged permission of his Guru to return to Tibet, but the latter
affectionately detained him for a month and then gave him a send
off, saying T am old and Tibet is far away. We shall not meet
1. Taraaatha in his History of Buddism in India gives precisely the same
information about this abbot and the number of students reading under him; ,
probably he relied on some earlier works like the present one. 1
INDO-TIBETAN INTERCOURSE
vii
in this life ; we shall meet in Sukhavati 5 (p. 97). The work
says that Dharmasvamin spent two full years only in Magadha.
We have observed above that he crossed the Ganga and
entered Magadha probably in April 1234. He recrossed that
' river in his journey homewards probably in the month of May
or June, 1236, just before the rainy season.
After crossing the Ganga probably in May 1 236, Dharmasva-
min journeyed across Tirhut and reached the city of Pa-ta or
Simraon, situated in its extreme north. He must have reached
this city by about the end of June and planned to be in Nepala
for his rainy season. But fate had willed it otherwise. In this
rainy season also he fell ill and suffered for about two months
from what was known as Magadha fever. He had rented a house
to stay, but the owner wanted him to vacate and go to live at the
cremation ground, as the fever was known to be fatal in its conse-
quences. There was no body to invite Dharmasvamin to stay
with him. His body was all aching ; his eyes had become dim.
The things were thus in a critical stage, when a Tantrika from
Tibet came to his rescue, offered him money, and served him for
two months with devotion. Dharmasvamin was in a critical
condition and it is no wonder that the Tantrika appeared to him
a manifestation of Avalokitesvara. The Tantrika had known his
•family and had served the elder Dharmasvamin during his
illness. The illness of two months had reduced Dharmasvamin
to a skeleton and his former acquaintances could hardly recognise
him. After his recovery, he had an opportunity to meet the
local Raja, named Ramasimha, who honoured him with a number
of presents including gold, medicine, rice, etc. and pressed him to
stay for a few days (p. 100). He even offered to make him his
own priest, though he was a Hindu and Dharmasvamin a
Buddhist. Dharmasvamin politely declined the offer and started
for Nepala probably by the end of October 1236.
Before resuming the narrative of his further journey, we may
refer to some other incidents during his stay in India. The attack
by brigands on^the way was one of the] frequent accidents in
the journey ; but ~ Dharmasvamin had not that unpleasant
experience. He states that he did meet robbers on the way, but
Viii INTRODUCTION OF THE GENERAL EDITOR
owing to the grace of AvalokitcSvara, they did not molest him .
An impudent woman of low caste attacked his party in Tirhut,
while on his journey to Bodha-Gaya; some of his companions
fell victims to her wiles but Dharmasvamin ran away from her
and saved himself (p. 58). On another occasion a wild bull
threatened to attack the party, but eventually the danger did not
materialise. The molestation from the Muslim soldiery will be
referred to later in Section VI.
Dharmasvamin’s visit seems to have been motivated more
by a spiritual than by an intellectual urge. He was anxious
to see the image of the Lord at Va jrasana or Bodha-Gaya, which
it was believed was endowed with the power of conferring great
blegssings and which even people with little faith could not see
without being moved (p. 67). He was also anxious to give
finishing touches to his education with the help of Indian Panditas.
But VikramaSila had been razed to the ground and at Bodha-Gaya
he met with no scholars. At Rajagriha he w as lucky to meet a deep
scholar Mahapandita Yasomitra, with whom he studied many
doctrines. Unfortunately, however, Dharmasvamin does not
enlighten us as to what these were and what books he studied.
Nalanda w ? as a mere ghost of its earlier glory, but still it had 70
monk scholars, well grounded in grammar and other subjects.
Its head abbot Rahula-sri-Bhadra was a sound scholar and
Dharmasvamin studied his commentary on Gurupanchasika
during his stay at Nalanda. What other books he studied there,
is not given in the work.
Dharmasvamin returned to Nepala probably at the end of
1236 or the beginning of 1237 A.D., and was well received there.
Rich and pious devotees presented him gold and other valuable
things ; he utilised the former in procuring images and copies
of MSS. Our pilgrim was keen to reach his own monastery in
Tibet situated at ITe-u-ra in order to be of help to his own
preceptor, but he received a pressing invitation to spend some time
at Yandog monastery situated on the border of Nepala and Tibet.
His Guru Ravlndra pressed him to accept the invitation and he
eventually decided to do so. While staying here, he was requested
to send a copy of his commentary on NdmasarhgUi by the autho-
1 NDO -TIBETAN I NTE RGOU RS E
IX
rities of the Saskya monastery. It was highly appreciated there.
Our pilgrim spent four years at Yari-dog. This no doubt delayed
his departure to his own monastery, but it enabled him to gather
a large number of M§S. His stay in India had heightened his
reputation and he received as presents from his disciples six copies
of Panchavi nsatisahasrikd and two of Ashlasahasrika written in
gold and 150 volumes of Sutras written in ink and two lots of books
of 32 and 16 volumes each. He also received a golden vase.
Dharmasvamin could also train ten disciples of the monastery
in higher Buddhist studies. It was probably in 1240 or 1241 A.D.
that Dharmasvamin left the Yan-dog monastery and started for
1-1 e-u-ra. His departure from Yah-dog was like a royal process-
ion and several domestic yaks were required to carry the packages.
His lay disciples thronged in large numbers, for he had inspired
a tremendous faith in them ; some of them accompanied him for
four stages. A few of them, who had no children, were soon
blessed with issues and they attributed their good luck to the
spiritual favour and power of their Guru. It is interesting to note
that there were also some detractors, who observed that most
of the packages contained only dyes and raw sugar, and no books
at all.
Dharmasvamin reached his own monastery at ITe-u-ra
m c. 1241 and stayed there for about twenty three years with
occasional visits to other places. His prolonged stay and studies
in Nepala and Magadha had enhanced his reputation as a monk-
scholar. His, fame spread far and wide and the famous Mongol
prince Kublai-khan sent an imperial embassy to request him to
visit his court. Dharmasvamin, however, politely got himself
excused. Another embassy from Kublai-khan visited him in
1256 A.D., repeating the same request. This time Dharmasva-
min had to start for Mongolia and reached as far as Northern
sftin’-bum. Then he began to suffer from pain in legs and
eventually the Mongol dignitaries permitted him to return,
hoping that at least Tibet would continue to get the benefit of his
sermons and scholarship.
Among the places visited by Dharmasvamin after his
return from India was the Sakamuni temple in Lhassa, which he
X
INTRODUCTION OF THE GENERAL EDITOR
visited two years after his return. On his way he visited sTag-tshal
of Yar-lung to enquire from Pandita Danasri there whether
he possessed the Indian original of Sddhanasamuchhqya . In 1258
A.D. Dharmasvamin visited Thah-po-che and spent there a year
in lecturing on various subjects. The topics included in his
discourses were the Jatakas, Mahachittotpada , Samadhirdja-s utra,
Bodhichary avatar a, Suhrillekha, Bhdvanakrama (of Kamalasila)
the Samvritibodhichitta-bhdvana and Paramdratha-Bodhichittabhavand
(of ASvaghosha). He used to recite Gurustotra and Manju-
ghoshastotra at the beginning of each lecture (p. no).
Dharmasvamin was now (in 1258 A.D.) more than 60 years
old and was naturally becoming more and more spitritual and
religious in his outlook. Before departing from Thah-po-che,
he exhorted the monks to concentrate not only on studies,
but also on meditation, because without meditation, one cannot
practise the religion one preaches. He pointed out how he
had taken and practised several vows from his young age, the vows
to accumulate merit, not to covet riches, not to lend on profit,
small or great, not to collect taxes from the people in retinue
and indulge in similar worldly activities (p. 108). After leaving
the monastery of Thah-po-che, Dharmasvamin retired to ’Ju’i-
phu and spent three months in silence and meditation. He
then composed a commentary on Pradipodyotana and lectured
upon it. Dharmasvamin felt that in order to purify the Buddhism
of Tibet, stress should be laid on the teachings of Madhyamika-
Ratnavall and Pradipodyotana. As he was approaching his
end, his spiritual and intellectual reputation was becoming higher
and higher. He was asked to lay the foundation of an ecclesia-
stical palace near Lhassa and lecture at the monastery at *Khor-
rdo near the same city. At the latter place he used to deliver
five lectures a day and the attendance of the monk-scholars was
usually one hundred. He used to give initiations to a number
of senior monks (p. 108) at famous monasteries like that at
Sas-kya.
After spending five years at Yar lun monastery, teaching and
preaching, Dharmasvamin declined other invitations and went
back to his own monastery at ITe-u-ra in gfJal. He was now
THE LIFE STORY OF DH ARMAS VAMIN
XI
(1263 A.D.) 67 and was feeling his own end approaching. He
gave all his wealth in charity, it consisted of three plates full of
precious stones, and passed away on Wednesday, the 10th day
of the bright half of MargaSlrsha of the year Wood-Male-Mouse
(January 1264 A.D.). At the time of his death, he was regarded
as a manifestation of the Buddha and his biographer narrates
how a number of rainbows appeared in the sky, which began to
shower celestial flowers. People could catch the latter in their
hands, but when they opened them out, they could see nothing.
Dharmasvamin was the author of 30 books, which have
been enumerated by Dr. G. Roerich in his Introduction at
pp. xliv-xlv.
In view of the controversy about the beginning of the Lak-
shmana Sariivat and the date of king Buddhasena, which will be
discussed in Section V of this Introduction, it has to be pointed
out that according to the Tibetan evidence there is no doubt
whatsoever that Dharmasvamin was born in 1197 A.D. and ex-
pired in 1264 A. D. His birth year is given as 1197 (Fire
Female-Serpent year) in our work, as welt as in Deb-ther-snon-po
finished in 1478 A.D., and also in the life of Sum-pa Khan-po
(, J.A.S.B . 1889, p. 50). So we have to place his birth date in
1197 A.D. The above authorities give his year of death as 1264
(Wood-Male-Mouse year). After 1027 A.D. the Tibetans were
following the Indian Brihaspati cycle of sixty years, to which the
old 12 years cycle was corelated. 1 So if the Fire-Female-Serpent
year of the birth of Dharmasvamin is not taken to be 1197 A.D.,
it will have to be equated with either 1257 A.D. or 1137 A.D.,
either of which is not possible. If we assume that 1137 A.D.
was his birth year, Kublai Khan cannot become his contemporary;
we shall have to assume that U. P. and Bihar were overrun by
the Muslims in 1175 A. D., which was not the case at all. If we
assume his birth year to be 1257, Ramasimha of the Karnata
dynasty, Kublai Khan of Mongolia and Buddhasena of Bodha-
Gaya cannot become his contemporaries. So his birth year, — Fire
Female-Serpent year, — must be 1 197 A. D. and no other year.
1 . I am indebted to Dr. G. Roerich for the information in this paragraph.
XU
INTRODUCTION (>E TIIE HENKE Al. EDITOR
Section IV
Reliability of the Account
T he account of Bihar given to us in the Life of Dharmasvamin
is fairly reliable. Of course we must make allowance for the
inherent limitations both of Dharmasvamin and his biographer.
They were both faithful Buddhists who shared in the belief in
miracles, which was so common a characteristic of the age they
lived in. When we are told that the lamp in front of the temple
at Bodha-Gaya could never be extinguished (p. 72)., we should
regard the statement as a proof of his strong faith and not the
narration of a historical fact. When he states that Kalidasa was
the author of the Kalipa (Kalapa) grammar (p. 85), we should
attribute the mistake to the contemporary literary tradition and
not to its Tibetan narrator. His statement that Pata or Pattana,
the capital of Tirhut, had six lakhs of families staying in it is
probably due to the temptation to exaggerate, from which few
foreigners’ accounts are altogether free. More serious is his mistake
about the height of the spire of the Bodha-Gaya temple, which
he states was only 52 feet (p. 66). His observation that the tem-
ple w as visible from a distance of two stages, i.e. about 14 miles,
contradicts the above statement; perhaps there may be a scribal
error in the Manuscript w ? hen it gives the height of the temple.
Barring such few mistakes as the above, the account is fairly
reliable. His location of Veiuvana and Hot Springs at Raja-
griha is correct and his description of the different monuments
in the court yard of the Yajrasana temple is accurate, as will be
shown in Section VIII. He resists the temptation of exaggerat-
ing the destruction brought about by the Muslim conquerors. He
was in India from 1234 to 1236 A.D. and it can be shown by
independent evidence that king Ramasimha of Tirhut and
Buddhasena of Bodha-Gaya, w'hom he met during his short so-
journ in Bihar, were actually ruling at that time. We are told that
the elder Dharmasvamin, the uncle of our pilgrim, who died in
India in 1216 A.D., served as an interpreter for the monks &akya-
$ri, Buddhasri and Ratnasri (pp. 51-2); the first of these
persons is known to have flourished in c. 1200 A.D.
RELIABILITY OF THE ACCOUNT
X1U
Compared to the accounts handed down to us by Fa Hian,
Yuan Ghwang or I-tsing, the narrative left by Dharmasvamin
may appear as meagre. But we have to remember that Dharma-
svamin Jived in India fflr only about two and a half years and
that he had two serious and prolonged illnesses during this period.
When not ill, he and his hosts were always in apprehension of a
Muslim attack any time. One can hardly expect a richer or a
more varied account under these circumstances. It will be soon
shown how the account throws valuable light on several points of
the political and cultural history of the period.
Section V
Light on the Political History
The first ruler mentioned by Dharmasvamin is king Ra-
masiihha of Tirhut. The name of this ruler is not mentioned in
Chap. Ill, where Tirhut and its capital are first described in
detail, but it is given in Chap. X, which describes the stay of
Dharmasvamin at his capital during his journey back. This Rama-
siriiha is obviously a king of the Karnata dynasty of Mithila
founded by Nanyadeva. Nanyadeva ruled from 1097101147
A.D.;his next three successors were Gahgadeva, Narasimhadeva
and Ramasimhadeva. The date of Ramasimhadeva is from 1227
to 1285 A.D., 1 and we can, therefore, well accept the statement of
Dharmasvamin that he had an interview with him in 1236 A.D.,
when he was on his way back to Nepala and Tibet. The capital
of Ramasimhadeva was Simraongarh ( Simaramagarh ).
Dharmasvamin, however, calls it as Pa-ta. Probably Simraon-
garh was also known as Simramapattana, and Pata of Dharma-
svamin is an abbreviation of Pattana, its last affix. In Sanskrit,
Pattana usually means a capital. 2 Pata was within easy reach
of Nepala, and the same is the case of Simraongarh. Our pilgrim
met with many Nepalese at Pa-ta (p. 101).
Dharmasvamin states (p. 58) that additional precautions
had been taken to increase the military guard of the palace,
1. R. K. Choudhari in A.B.Q.R.L , Vol. XXV p. 1 10
2 . Of. Pattanam yatra rajadhani sthitd.
XlV INTRODUCTION OF THE GENERAL EDITOR
owing to the fear of the Muslim invaders, who during the year,
had Jed an army against the town, but failed to reach it. This
statement also is likely to be correct. For a long time the
Mithila kingdom was resisting the Muslim advance. Moham-
mad Bakhtiar Khalji took the southern route in his expedition to
Bengal, because the kingdom of Mithila lay across the northern
road. Portions of Purnea passed under Mohammad Bakhtiyar
in c. 1200, when Bengal was conquered by him. For a time the
position was critical for the Karnata house, for it was being
harassed both by the Muslim rulers of Oudh and Bengal. But
Narasimhadeva, the father of Ramasimha, made an alliance
with Sultan Ghiyas-ud-din of Bengal and helped him to capture
the whole of southern Bihar. This must have strengthened his
position. Narasirhhadeva was punished for this impudence by
Iltutmish and had to apologise to him. Soon after the death of
the latter in 1229 A.D. there ensued a period of chaos at Delhi
under the inefficient rule of Rukn-ud-din, when the Central
Government lost its authority over outlying provinces like Lahore,
Multan, Oudh and Bengal. The provincial governors were fighting
among themselves. At this time some half-hearted attempt might
have been made by the rulers of Oudh and Bengal to attack the
Karnata kingdom and Ramasirhha might well have repulsed the
army in 1233 A.D. without allowing it to reach his capital.
Dharmasvamin’s statement based upon personal observation
that the palace of Ramasimha was surrounded by seven walls and
twenty one ditches and had eleven gates with arches can be proved
or disproved only by archaeological explorations at Simra-
ongharh.
The second monarch mentioned by Dharmsvamin is king
Buddhasena. He is expressly described as the king of Magadha,
residing (i. e. with his capital) at Vajrasana or Bodha-Gaya
(p. 64). The further information about him that he was a des-
cendant of Raja Devasthya, who belonged to the family of the
Buddha’s maternal uncle, is purely legendary and need not detain
us. This Raja had fled at the advent of the Muslim soldiers, but
1. R, K. Choudhari in A.B.O.RJ . , pp. i ioff.
LIGHGT ON THE POLITICAL HISTORY
XV
returned from his forest resort when the danger was over. He was
coming in a procession of five hundred soldiers mounted on an
elephant. He was a Buddhist and when he saw Dharmasvamin
among the spectators, lie got down to greet him with the words
‘Salutations to the son of the Buddha’. This meeting between
the king Buddhasena and Dharmasvamin took place early in the
rainy season of 1234 A.D. 1
Dharmasvamin’s account of Buddhasena is unfortunately
short, but it serves to elucidate a number of historical puzzles.
King Buddhasena, whom he met, is obviously identical with
king Buddhasena mentioned in an undated inscription found at
Bodha-Gaya 2 and in the Janibigha (Gaya District) inscription
of Jayasena, 3 dated in Lakshmana Sariivat 83, where he figures as
his father. In both these records he is described as Pithlpati and
there was considerable speculation among scholars as to the exact
location of Pithi. There was a consensus of opinion that Pithi
should be somewhere in Bihar, but our author’s statement that
he was the Raja of Magadha ruling at Vajrasana suggests that
Pithi was merely an abbreviation of Vajrapitha and was
nothing else than Bodha-Gaya itself.
The Janibigha inscription of Buddhasena’s son Jayasena is
dated in the year 83 of Lakshmana Sariivat and this raises
a number of issues. The initial year of* the Lakshmana Sariivat
is placed by different scholars sometime between 1108 to 1118-9
A.D. ; the latter date is accepted by the majority. Jayasena, the
donor of Janibigha inscription, is the son of Buddhasena, whom our
author had met in 1234 A.D. Now if we assume, as is done by
most scholars, that the Lakshmana Sariivat was started in 1 1 18-9
A.D., the date of Jayasena, as given by the Janibigha inscription,
would be Lakshamana Sariivat 83 or 1201-2 A.D. His father
Buddhasena must have died or abdicated before 1201 A.D.
and Dharmasvamin could not have met him as king in 1234 A.D.,
when he visited Bodha-Gaya. One way out of the difficulty is to
1. We have shown earlier how the date of the birth of Dharmasvamin
is quite difinite and so is the date of his meeting with king Buddhasena.
2. I A., XLVIII, p. 45.
• 3. IV, p. 266, 279 ; /.A., XLVIII. p. 47.
XVI INTRODUCTION OF THE GENERAL EDITOR
assume that Buddhasena, whom Dharmasvamin met, was the son
and successor of Jayasena, who could have ruled at Bodha-Gaya
between 1220 to 1240 A.D. and met our author. In India the
custom of naming a grandson after th£ grandfather is quite
common. But there is no evidence whatsoever to show that
Jayasena had a son named Buddhasena.
The origin of the Lakshmana Saihvat, however, is shrouded
in considerable mystery. It could hardly have been started in
1118-19 when Lakshmana Sena is said to have been born, because
two other Sena rulers Vijava Sena and Ballala Sena were on the
throne between 1 1 20 and 1 1 79 A.D. No Sena king, not even
Lakshmana Sena and his two sons Visvarupa Sena and Kesava
Sena, ever used this era. In Bengal it was not in vogue till
c. 1500 A. I).
There is another serious difficulty in assuming that the
year 83 of Lakshmana Saihvat occuring in the Janibigha inscrip-
tion has to be referred to the era founded in 1118-9 A.D. The
Janibigha inscription mentions Buddhasena as the father of
Jayasena. His date should, therefore, be c. 50 to 75 of the
Lakshmana Saihvat. Now we have two inscriptions at Bodha-
Gaya recording the donations of king Asokachalla from Sapadalak-
sha in the Punjab. One of them is dated in the year 51* and the
other in the year 74 s of the Lakshmana Saihvat. Asokachalla
of Sapadalaksha was thus a contemporary of Buddhasena of
Bodha-Gaya. Now we have a third inscription at Bodha-
Gaya, which also refers to Asokachalla, who can be none other
than Asokachalla of the two inscriptions mentioned above.
This inscription is dated in the year 1813 of the Parinirvana of
the Buddha. 3 Bodha-Gaya was at this period under considera-
ble Ceylonese influence; none but Ceylonese monks could carry
out the worship of' the Buddha or sleep in the courtyard of the
temple. r Phe date of the Parinirvana era current in Gaya must,
therefore, have been the one accepted by the Ceylonese tradition,
viz. 544 B.C. The year 1813 of the Parinirvana era would thus
1. is./., XII p. 29.
2. Ibid, p 30.
3. LA X, p. 3412.
LIGHT ON THE POLITICAL HISTORY
XVII
correspond with 1269 A.D. 1 If we assume that the Lakshmana era
of Bodha-G aya inscription of Aiokachalla dated 5 1, started in
1 1 18 A.D., then his earliest known year would be 1169 A.D.
and the latest one, (1813 of the Parinirvanaera) would be 1269.
We shall have to assume that he had a reign, not a life, of more
than a hundred years, which is very improbable.
Some clue to the solution of the difficulty is offered by the
language used to denote the Lakshmana Samvat in three Gaya
district records : —
1. Srimat-Lakshamana (1 kshmana)semsydtita-rdjya-Sam . 51 2
2. Srimat-Lakshmanasena-deva-pddandm atltardjya Sam . 74 s
3. LakshmanasenasyatUardjye Sam . 8 3 4
Vidyavinod has no doubt translated the first of the above
expressions as of the year 51 since the ( commencement of the)
reign, (now) past, of the illustrious Lakshmana Sena, but this
interpretation is obviously forced and unnatural. The era obvi-
ously refers to an era connected with the end of the rule of
king Lakshmana Sena. People were usually accustomed to
count years with reference to the prosperous and victorious
reign of a living king referred to as Pravardhamdna-vijaya-rajya ;
but the ruling kings now happened to be foreign iconoclasts.
People in Bihar 5 therefore seem to have preferred to refer to the
past rule of Lakshmana Sena, who had apparently made a deep
impression on the public mind. Later on the idea of an era to
mark the extinction of the kingdom of Lakshmana Sena was given
up in favour of an era to mark his birth ; and hence the presump-
tion of later inscriptions about its begining at c. 1118-1119 A.D.
If we accept this hypothesis, all known facts of history can
well be explained. The year 83 for Jayasena would correspond to
c. 1283 A.D. His reign period may be placed between 1260 to
j. If we assume the date 483 B.C. for the Parinirvaija, then the date
of Aiokachalla will be 1330 A.D., which is altogether impossible.
2. E.I., XII, 29.
3. E.I. , XII, 28.
4. LA. t XLVIII, 47 -
5. In Bengal also there were started some eras like Ballali Samvat and
Parganati-Samvat, whose initial years were 1199 and 1202-3. R.C. Majumdar,
History of Bengal, I, p. 235.
Xviil INTRODUCTION OF THE GENERAL EDITOR
1285 and that of his father Buddhasena between 1230 and 1260.
Dharmasvamin could therefore well have seen him in Bodha-Gaya
in 1234 A.D. The dates of ASokachalla of Sapadalaksha country
in Lakshmana Sarhvat 51 and 74 would be c. 1251 and 1274 A.D.
His date in Parinirvana Sam vat 1813 would be 1269 A.D.
It thus falls within the known span of his rule. According to
the Muslim historians there was considerable unrest in the Doab
during the period 1240 to 1270. The roads were unsafe; Hindu
Zamindars were up in arms and several expeditions had to be
sent to chastise them. There is nothing improbable in a king of
Sapadalaksha country assuming the imperial title of Maharajadhi-
raja, exercising sway over feudatories like Purushottama Siriiha,
and occasionally proceeding to Bodha-Gaya to pay his respects
to the Vajrasana and make a donation to the local temple.
Section Vl
Effect of the Muslim Conquest in Bihar
Dharmasvamin’s account is very valuableb ecause it gives us
first hand information of the effects produced by the Muslim
conquest. The conquerors had overrun the country but had not
yet succeeded in establishing any stable administration. In
Bihar there were several Hindu or Buddhist kings, who were
leading a precarious existence. They were too weak to oppose
the Muslim forces, but strong enough to emerge from their forest
retreats and reestablish their rule when the invading army had
passed away, as is shown by the case of Buddhasena. We do not
get reference to the Muslim administrative machinery except
at Bihar Sharif, where thre was a Muslim military head-quarters.
Bands of Muslim soldiers were roaming about the country
creating consternation among the population, probably by their
loot and exactions. Two such soldiers were in the ferry boat,
which was taking Dharmasvamin across the Ganga on his way
back to Tibet. They demanded gold from him. Being a simple
person or a simpleton, Dharmasvamin threatened to report
them to the king, forgetting that Hindu and Buddhist kings were
at this time unable to protect themselves, much less their subjects.
EFFECTS OF THE MUSLIM CONQUEST IN BIHAR xlx
This threat made the Muslim soldiers wild and they snatched
away the begging bowl of Dharmasvamin. Two Buddhist lay
passengers tried to assuage the Muslim soldiers by offering them
precious things, but Jhe soldiers replied ‘We do not want your
wealth ; we want this Tibetan’. The matter was eventually
compromised by Dharmasvamin offering a Pana on his own
behalf. Had the fellow passengers not intervened, Dharmasvamin
would have been carried away as a slave, and Indian history
would have lost this important source-book.
When Dharmasvamin reached Vaisall on his way to Bodha-
Gaya, the town was all deserted on account of the apprehended
arrival of a Muslim force. People used to desert their houses
by day and come back to them at night (p. 62). Vikramasila
had been completely destroyed before 1206 A.D. and its founda-
tion stones had been hurled into the Ganga, (p. 64). The Bodha-
Gaya establishment had been deserted by all except four monks.
The ancient image had been walled up by a brick wall and a new
one had been put in the ante-chamber. The old image had,
however, been already despoiled of its emerald eyes earlier. The
king of Bodha-Gaya had fled to forest. Dharmasvamin himself had
to flee away for seventeen days. When it became clear that the
Muslim force had gone away, people returned. The wall was
removed, the ancient image was made available to devotees and
Dharmasvamin could offer his worship to it to his heart’s content.
The king Buddhasena also reappeared on the scene along with his
small force of 500 soldiers. Dharmasvamin refers to the ruins
of the stone gate in front of the Bodha-Gaya temple. This was
also probably destroyed by the Muslims. Dharmasvamin
mentions a number of small temples in the courtyard of the
Vajrasana shrine, which were apparently undamaged.
The general impression that Nalanda was completely
destroyed by the beginning of the 13th century is not confirmed
by Dharmasvamin’s account. He had lived there for about
.six months and gives us an eye witness’s account. Nalanda was
still in existence, but was a mere ghost of its past glory. Once it
had seven temples and 14 big and 84 small monasteries. Dharma-
svamin tells us that they were damaged by the Muslims and there
XX
INTRODUCTION OF THE GENERAL EDITOR
was none to look after them or to make offerings (p. 90). Only
two Viharas called Dha-na-ba and Ghu-na-ba were in a service-
able condition. The surrounding wall of the establishment still
existed with its eastern and western gates; they were decorated
with paintings of Tara and other deities near the entrances
(p. 93). Thousands of monks belonging to the establishment
had fled away, but the chief abbot Rahula-srI-Bhadra continued
to reside and had declined to flee. He was an old man of more
than 90 and probably felt that he should die at his post. At the
time of Dharmasvamin’s visit there were 70 monk scholars
reading under him, being supported by king Buddhaesna of
Bodha-Gaya and a rich lay Brahmana disciple named Jayadeva
living at Odantapuri or Bihar Sharif.
If we are to believe the account of Dharmasvamin, the par-
tial survival of Nalanda was due to the superstitious fears of the
Muslims. During their earlier depredations, the Muslims had
destroyed the temple of Jnananatha within the precincts of
Nalanda and carried away its stones probably to Odantapuri for
building mosques there. They desecrated the image by throwing
filth at it. One of the soldiers, who participated in the desecra-
tion, died the same evening of colic pain on reaching Odanta-
puri. For sometime after this event the Muslim soldiers were,
afraid to attack Nalanda (p. 94).
This incident however must have served only as a temporary
deterrent, as Dharmasvamin’s own account of what happened
during his stay will show. The partial survival of Nalanda
was probably due to the following causes : —
( 1 ) The establishment had not many stone structures,
which could supply stone for the erection of mosques.
( 2 ) It was too big to be thoroughly destroyed in one effort.
(3) Nalanda was not, like VikramaSila, on the high way
leading from Delhi to Bengal, and so the work of completing its
destruction required a special expedition.
(4) Of its numerous temples and monasteries, two monas-
teries were in a serviceable condition in 1235 A.D.. So when the
first avalanche of Muslim invasion was over, a few monks, about
a huadred in number, returned with their head abbot to stay
EFFECTS OF THE MUSLIM CONQUEST IN BIHAR
XXI
at the establishment, hoping that they would now be left undis-
turbed. Practically the whole province had been over-run by
the Muslims and the constant danger of their harassment was
present every where. Why then not stay in a place, which could
at least afford some gbod accommodation for a limited number
and was hallowed by its earlier associations ?
In the summer of 1235 A.D. Nalanda suffered further from
Muslim depredations. A military force had been stationed at
Odantapuri (Bihar Sharif) and its commanding officer suddenly
put into prison Brahmana Jayadeva, a lay disciple of the town.
Jayadeva however learnt in his captivity that a fresh attack was
contemplated on Nalanda and managed to smuggle out a message
from his jail to the Abbot Rahula-sri-Bhadra, advising him to flee. 1
On the receipt of tin’s message all the seventy disciples fled away
leaving the old Guru and his Tibetan disciple. The Guru
urged the foreign pilgrim to go away, saying ‘If you do not flee
away, you would be killed’ . Eventually both decided to quit,
the pupil carrying his Guru on his shoulders, along with rice,
sugar and some books. They however only shifted to the temple
of Jnananatha in whose miraculous powers to save his devotees
the Guru had an implicit faith. This temple was to the south-
west of the Nalanda establishment. While they were staying
there, suddenly some 300 Muslim soldiers appeared, armed and
ready to fight. ‘Though they were sure to kill them, they did
not find them and went back’ (p. 94). This party might have
wrought further devastation at Nalanda, though Dharmasvamin
is silent upon the point.
Apparently the Guru and his Tibetan pupil continued
to stay in Nalanda during the ensuing rainy season after the
departure of the Muslim soldiery. The text is not clear on the
point. In one place Dharmasvamin says, ‘The Pandita himself
having gone to Magadha, it occurred to me that I should meet
him there’ (p. 95). When he took final leave of his Guru, lie
was apparently only one day’s journey from the Ganga ferry,
1. Apparently Jayadeva was released from captivity along with two
other prisoners after the contemplated raid on Nalanda was carried out
(p. 84).
XXII
INTRNDUCTION OF THE GENERAL EDITOR
This would suggest that both of them had shifted from Nalanda
to some place near the Ganga. But towards the end of the 9th
chapter we read of Dharmasvamin’s completing his studies
at Nalanda, when he asked his Guru’s permission to depart.
This would suggest that both of them were living at Nalanda,
probably in the temple of Jhananatha. Which of these alter-
native possibilities represents the reality, we do not know.
Dharmasvamin does not refer to the libraries at
Nalanda, nor did he get any MSS copied there. The library
buildings seem to have been destroyed earlier than 1235 A. D.
The monks who were staying at Nalanda had however a few MSS
with them.
Section VII
Religious and Social Conditions
Dharmasvamin was a pious pilgrim and his work gives
a fairly good glimpse of thecontemporary religious condition of
India and Nepala. Buddhism was definitely on the decline in
Magadha in the second quarter of the 13 th century. Though
himself a Buddhist, Dharmsvamin observes that in India non-
Buddhists were numerous, Sravakas(i.e. Hlnayanists) were few
and Mahayanists still fewer (p. 87). This statement however
goes against our general impression that the Mahayana was in the
ascendancy as compared with the Hinayana at this period. We
should, however, not forget that Dharmasvamin had visited only
Bodha-Gaya, Rajagriha and Nalanda. Of these Nalanda
was practically a deserted place, Rajagriha had probably a small
Buddhist colony and Bodha-Gaya was under the predominant
influence of the Ceylonese monks, who were all Hlnayanists.
Dharmasvamin has pointed out that the Ceylonese monks,
300 in number, were in charge of the worship at Mahabodhi
temple and no one other than they, could sleep in the courtyard
of the main temple. This is partly confirmed by a contemporary
inscription of Asokachalla, dated in the year 51 of the Lakshmana
Samvat, which makes a provision, for daily offerings and adds
that they were to be given by the members of the Singhala Sazhgha
RELIGIOUS AMD SOCIAL CONDITIONS
xxm
at Mahabodhi i.e. Bodha-Gaya. 1 It is probably on account of the
domination of the Hlnayanist Ceylonese monks at Bodha-Gaya
that Dharmasvamin makes the statement that the Mahayanists
were less numerous than the Sravakas in India.
Buddhist and Hindu Sanyasins continued to inspire consider-
able respect in society. If a strip of red cloth was found on the
road, it was reverentially picked up by the public. Priests
in charge of Buddhist temples had acquired a certain notoriety
for their exactions. Dharmasvamin observes that the stone
foot-print of the Buddha at Bodha-Gaya were not enclosed in a
temple in order to let all people have an opportunity of paying
their respects to them. Says Dharmasvamin, ‘Formerly it was
intended to build a chapel over the foot-prints, but learned Pandi-
tas were of opinion that if a chapel were built, it would require a
door and a sacristan (priest) who would ask remuneration
(from worshippers) and the number of devotees (who would
come to see the foot prints) would become less and thus a chapel
was not built’ (p. 72). As pointed out already, the privilege
of being the official priests of the Mahabodhi temple had now pas-
sed on to the Ceylonese monks. This is an interesting develop-
ment. In the 4th century A.D. for the first time a monastery was
built for Ceylonese monks by the Ceylonese king Meghavarna
with the permission oi Samudragupta. This facilitated the
entry and residence of a Buddhist colony from Ceylon. We have
some lithic records at Bodha-Gaya showing that Buddhist
moknks from Ceylon continued to come and stay at Maha-
bodhi, install images . and make endowments during the
intervening centuries also, as is made clear by the Patna
Museum Inscription of Prakhyatakirti, a scion of the royal family
of Lanka 2 (c. 500 A.D.), the Bodha-Gaya Inscription of Maha-
naman 3 ( c . 588-9 A.D.) and the Udayatrl records from Sinhala
dated c . 12th century. 4 How Ceylonese Buddhist monks acquired
i- E-I-, XII, a 9 ; cf.
SR’If I
3. A.S.I., A.R., 1908-9 p. 156 j JEORS, IV, p. 408.
3. III, p. *79
4. JBORS., V, p. 147
XXIV
INTRODUCTION OF THE GENERAL EDITOR
a vested interest in the temple and became its privileged and exlu-
sive priests is a mystery. Nor do we know how they lost that
right.
The procedure of the image worship in Buddhist temples of
Bihar and Nepala was at this time very 9 similar to that in Hindu
shrines. The Panchamrita-snana or the bath in curds, milk,
honey, sugar and ghee had become quite common in the Buddhist
temples ; only its constituents sometimes differed. In Nepala,
both sugar and raw sugar (gur) were used, and ghee was omitted.
In the unsettled condition of Bihar, when everybody was appre-
hensive of a Muslim attack at any moment, Dharmasvamin
could naturally see no such chariot processsion (Rathayatra)
of the Buddhist images, as were witnessed by Fa Hian. But
he refers to their popularity in the earlier days of Chandra-
gomin and Chandrakirti. There was a convention that in the
Rathayatra procession, none but the image could ride in a con-
veyance. There used to be a special image for the procession
and it was generally woden (pp. 54-9). We learn from our
pilgrim that the Rathayatra was common in Nepala; the image
was taken out in a great procession on the eighth day in autumn.
What followed, however, has no parallel in Hinduism. After
this ceremonial procession, the image used to be invited every
day by a different devotee, and was offered the Panchamrita-
snana and other offerings. This went on for one full month and
then the image was reinstalled in its proper place after being
painted once more to counteract the effects of the daily Pancha-
mpta-snana.
To judge from the accounts of Dharmasvamin, Bodha-
Gay& was a strong-hold of Hinayana Buddhism and Nalanda of
Mahayana Buddhism and Tantricism. The Ceylonese Hinayanist
priests of the Bodha-Gaya temple had no soft corner for the Tibe-
tan Tantrikas and Mahayanists. When Dharmasvamin entered
the Mahabodhi temple, the priest enquired about the MS he
was carrying in his hand. When he was told that it was
Ashtaparamita , the priest asked him to throw it away in the river.
He pointed out to him that Mahayana was not preached by the
Buddha and to worship Khasarpana Avalokitesvara was illogical, ^
RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS
XXV
for he was a mere householder and had not even renounced the
world (p.74). Though criticised this way, Dharmasvamin
certifies that the Hinayanists in India were kinder than the
Tibetan Buddhists (p. 87).
The Mahayana gottdess Tara was, however, popular even in
Bodha-Gaya and the Mahayanists narrated many stories about
her, not at all complimentary to the Hinayanists. A Hinayanist,
while negotiating a river in floods, was being carried away.
As a last resort he invoked the Mahayanist deity Tara, crying
out in distress ‘Tara, Tara. 5 The Goddess appeared in the middle
of the river and said, “When you were well, you did not remember
me. Now when you are in peril you shout out, Tara, Tara. Get
out.” The goddess indicated the road by her right hand and the
water subsided upto the waist and the man was saved. The
goddess then trasformed herself into a stone image, which was
brought to and enshrined in a temple, and was named as Tara
of the river (p. 75). The story is of course a cock and bull story
invented to explain the name, but gives us an idea of the feelings
of some Mahayanists and Hinayanists towards one another.
There were two other Tara images; one was known as Haha
Tara, because with the exclamation Haha she drove away a
demon tormenting a devotee. The most interesting anachronism
is, however, represented by the temple of laughing Tara at
Bodha-Gaya. The contemporaries of Dharmasvamin believed that
this image represented the goddess as defiantly laughing at Mara,
when he tried to threaten the Buddha at the time of his enlighten-
ment. Little did the simple folk know that the goddess Tara was
unknown to Buddhism in the life time of the Buddha.
Dharmasvamin was the son of a Tantrika and he himself
knew some imprecatory formulae (p. 56) and knew how to draw
ordinary and coloured Manqlalas (p. 48). His account shows
that the Tantric religion was in ascendancy in the Buddhism
of Bihar in his time. He refers to a Siddha living for three years in
a hole under the Stupa at Gridhrakuta, who could not be harmed
by the wild beasts (p. 87). He refers to two individual Siddhas.
One of these was Naropa who had flourished between 975 and
1025 A.D.; his hermitage was in a forest north of Nalanda,
XXVi INTRODUCTION OF THE GENFRAL EDITOR
but naturally in a dilapilated condiition, the second Siddha was
Viravapa who miraculaously broke the image of Somanatha
in South Bihar by invoking Amitabha. His date is not
known.
Dharmasvamin narrates how Chandragomin meditated for
seven days on Guhyasamaja and how AvalokiteSvara then mani-
fested himself before him (p. 91). Nalanda had one temple of
Sarhvara, a Tan trie diety (p. 98). The most popular deities at
Nalanda in the days of Dharmasvamin were Khasarapana
Avalokite^vara installed in the royal Vihara of Baladitya
(p. 91)., Manjusri, Jnananatha and Tara.
Life in Nalanda in the late medieval period was far from
austere. On the campus there was an image of Tara without
ornaments and this fact was explained by the story that the god-
dess gave away all her jewellry as the fee for a troop of singers
and dancers, who had stayed at Nalanda for a fortnight for the
entertainment of the monks who however were unable to pay
them adequately (p. 92).
Rahula-srl-Bhadra, the chief abbot of Nalanda, was pro-
vided with a bed and curtain by his disciple Jayadeva. Within
the curtain there was a lamp to enable him to read at night and
a fan to counteract the oppressive heat (p. 90). We have, how-
ever, no reason to conclude that the mosquitoes in NalandS
were less numerous than what they are now ; the curtain and
the bed were therefore a sheer necessity for the abbot, who was
more than 90 years in age.
The Buddhist monks could not take wine, but were permitted
to take the juice of pomegranates.
According to Dharmasvamin the main points of difference
between Buddhism and Hinduism were the following : —
(1) Offering of sacrifices involving slaughter. On two
occasions Dharmasvamin narrates how a large number of cattle
were slaughtered before the images of Kali and Mahadeva ;
sometimes they were even roasted alive (pp. 82-3; 96).
(2) Hindus were blamed by the Buddhists for inflicting
I. Sddhanamdld , II, p. 74
RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS
XXV 11
injury on living animals, which they thought was the surest way
of damnation (p. 82.)
(3) Buddhist further felt that the Hindus had no proper
method of salvation and were grievously wrong in their belief
in a real personality or soul 1 (p. 96).
These bickerings were probably confined to theologians ;
the average Buddhists and Hindus lived in amity. Dharmasva-
min no doubt states that an image of Mahesvara was painted
outside on the door of the Mahabodhi temple to protect it from
the non-Buddhists (p. 64). This may be really due to an effort
at synthesis, rather than to an apprehension of attack from the
Hindus, as some may have represented it to our pilgrim.
Dharmasvamin visited the Hindu temple of Kali and the Hindus
also must have reverenced the Buddhist temples. Much
earlier than 1236 A. D., the Buddha had been transformed
into an incarnation of Vishnu. Hindus, says Dharmasvamin,
gave alms to Buddhist monks ; one of the main supporter of
Rahula-£rI-Bhadra, the last abbot of Nalanda, was a Brahmana
lay disciple at Odantapuri, named Jayadeva. Ramasimha,
the Hindu Raja of Tirhut, asked Dharmasvamin to become
his chaplain. When he expressed his inability to do so, the king
gave him a number of valuable presents (p. 100).
Our pilgrim’s account throws considerable interesting light
on contemporary social conditions and institutions. Untoucha-
bility was in full swing. When Dharmasvamin on one occasion
found himself being carried away by a stream, he called for help
from a person on the bank ; he, however, expressed inability
on the plea that he was an untouchable. Untouchables did not
pierce their ears. Food seen by them could not be eaten.
People were accustomed to touch the gate of a temple with
their forehead while entering it ; the central stone of the eastern
gate at Bodha-Gaya had become smooth on account of this cons-
tant friction (p. 92).
The relation between the Guru and the disciple was con-
sidered to be similar to that of the father and the son. ‘Father
and son will surely meet again’, says Guru Ravlndra, when he
expresses the hope that Dharmasvamin will return safe from the
XXVlii INTRODUCTION OF THE GENERAL EDITOR
journey (p. 57). Disciples used to present small bells to their
Gurus as mark of their respect at the time of taking farewell.
Ratnarakshita of the border monastery between Tibet and Nepala
had 300 such bells.
Nepalese Hindus did not lag behind ‘the Indian Hindus in their
anxiety to consign the remains of the dead to the Ganga (p*59)>‘
in the group of 300 persons, who were travelling with Dharma-
svamin, there were many going to the south for this purpose.
Solitary travel was difficult and dangerous; there was the
apprehension of attack by wild animals and organised robbers.
The boats that were taking passengers accross the Ganga were
big ones, sufficient to accommodate 300 persons.
Pan-eating was quite common. Dharmasvamin gives
an interesting description of how it was mixed with the ashes
of burnt cowries, perfumed with scents and then kept in cloth
for two days before being eaten. In Mithila ashes of burnt
cowries are still used in place of chunam ; and the ‘scents' referred
to by Dharmasvamin probably included kaltha . Pans are often
kept wound up in a wet piece of cloth to ensure longer preser-
vation in the summer; our author probably refers to this custom
when he says that pans were kept wound up in cloth for two
days before they were eaten. Our author refers to the use of
sortsi ( surtl ) as a tooth paint.
About currency our pilgrim states that a j tana was equal
to 80 cowries. This ratio was in vogue for several centuries.
Section VIII
Light on Geography and Topography
Dharmasvamin’s work gives considerable information about
the geography of Bihar, but it is often confused owing to the
uncertainty of the length of a ‘stage*. VaiSal! to Bodha-Gaya
is about 70 miles and Dharmasvamin states that the distance was
of eight ‘stages’. This suggests that a ‘stage’ was about eight
miles. This conclusion is confirmed by the statement stating
that Odantapuri or modern Bihar Sharif is at a distance of one
stage to the east of Nalanda (p. 63). On page 53, however.
LIGHT ON GEOGRAPHY AND TOPOGRAPHY
XXIX
We read that at its widest point three months were needed
to cross the kingdom of Tirhut and that at its narrowest
point, the distance was of 20 stages. This would mean that the
greatest length of the Tirhut kingdom was 720 miles, which is
hardly likely to be correct. Even when Ramasimha’s great
grandfather Nanyadeva had annexed portions of Nepaia,
the kingdom was not so extensive. Similarly Vaisall being
20 stages (160 miles) at its longest part and eight stages (64
miles) at its narrowest part is not likely to be correct. Probably
the information about the extent of the kingdom was based upon
hearsay reports and was therefore not correct. The distance
between Vaisall and Bodha-Gaya was actually crossed by him
and the information was therefore accurate. We may, therefore,
concluded that a stage was about 8 to 9 miles.
It is curious to note that the term Yojana is used by Dharma-
svamin for a very short distance. Usually it is taken to be seven
or eight miles; but our author says that the Niranjana was
one Yojana from the Vajrasana temple and Gridhrakuta three
Yojanas from Rajagriha, These distances were actually crossed
by Dharmasvamin. His Yojana was hardly a mile.
When Dharmasvamin entered India, he came across three
mountain ranges. Of these Rishisirsha mountain was high and
the rest were low ranges. We have only two mountain ranges
in Northern Bihar, Somes vara to the north of Ghamparan
and Dun hill to the south of SomeSvara. The former is 42
miles long and its height ranges from 2884 to 3000 feet. Dun
hill is only 20 miles in length and very low. What was regarded
as the 3rd hill was probably an offshoot of SomeSvara. The
statement that the Rishisirsha mountain extended upto Vaisall
(p. 61) is incorrect, for the Somesvara hill does not extend
upto that town.
The hills referred to by our pilgrim are in the vicinity of
Raxaul and it is thus clear that Dharmasvamin had taken the
u$ual route from Kathmandu to India which even now passes
via that town.
From Raxaul area Dharmasvamin went to a city named
Pa-ta. This was the capital of the kingdom of Tirhut and had
XXX
INTRODUCTION OF THE GENERAL EDITOR
a royal palace of 1 1 gates, all of which except one, had been
seen by our pilgrim. The palace was protected by 2i ditches
(p. 58). The name of the king is given as Ramasimha. It is
clear that our author is referring to the capital of the Karnata
kingdom founded by Nanyadeva irf r 1097 A.D.; Ramasimha
was his great grandson. The capital of this kingdom was Sima-
ramapura (Simraongarh) and was on the border of India and
Nepala. Why our author calls it Pa-ta is difficult to understand.
The town was probably also known Pattana (meaning capital in
Sanskrit) and Pata of Dharmasvamin may be an abbreviation
of Pattana. His statement that this city had six lakhs of families
is obviously a gross exaggeration ; perhaps city here may be
mistake for the kingdom. From Simraon our pilgrim proceeded
straight to the south and reached Vaisali. This distance
between two places is about 60 miles, as the crow flies, and
Dharmasvamin naturally had to spend six ‘stages’ to reach
Vaisali. The pilgrim refers to the uninhabited border of the
city; it would appear that either most of the city was deserted or
there was a forest in its vicinity. Buddhist works refer to
Mahavana to the north of Vaisali.
From Vaisali Dharmasvamin proceeded straight to the south
to Bodha-Gaya and reached it in eight days. He thus covered
about 70 miles during that period. On the way he had to cross
the Ganga, but he does not say where he did it. Probably he
crossed the river near modern Hajipur and landed at the site of
modern Patna. The city must have been in complete ruins;
that is probably the reason why he does not referto it at all.
To the south of the Ganga lay the kingdom of Magadha.
Magadha has been the subject of caustic remarks from the Vedic
to the Smriti period. To the Tibetans, however, it was the holy
land and we find Dharmasvamin giving a number of flattering
derivations of the name. It was regarded as the centre of the
world ( madhyam gatim dharayaii ). It was called Madhya or
central by the Buddhists because it was famous for its scholarship,
reflection and meditation, a border region being characterised by
the absence of learning (p. 63).
Magadha was a small kingdom in the days of our pilgrim;
LIGHT ON GEOGRAPHY AND TOPOGRAPHY
XXXI
it had only 1512 villages. Bodha-Gaya was its capital and was
situated in its centre ; it extended 60 Yojanas i. e. 60 miles
in all directions.
bodha-gaya
Dharmasvamin’s observation about the topography of
the Mahabodhi temple arc interesting and useful ; He states
that the Niranjana was a Yojana or about a mile to its east.
The actual distance today is about half a mile. The bed of the
river is however wide and the flow of the water may have been
near the eastern bank; and the distance could then have been
nearly a mile.
He narrates the story ( pp. 67-3 ) of three Brahmana
brothers being converted to Buddhism by God Mahesvara on
the Himalayas and proceeding to build Buddha temples at
Rajgriha, Varanasi and Bodha-Gaya. The same story is given
by Yuan Chwang, but in a shorter version. The legend about
the making of the image in the Mahabodhi temple is narrated
by both the pilgrims. The mother of the three brothers asked
them to keep all material ready in the sanctuary and close it
for a week, and assured them that the image would be found
to be ready at the end of the period. The brothers, however,
opened the door a day earlier and found the image all ready
except for the little toe T the right foot (p. 69) . In the version
of Yuan Chwang, the door was to be kept closed for six months,
but was opened 4 days earlier and the image was found complete
except for one little piece above the right breast. The image
had a headdress ( Ushnisha ) and was in the Bhumisparsamudra
according to Dharmasvamin (p. 69). The present day image
is in the Bhumisparsamudra but it has no headdress; the
head is bare and has curly hair. Cunningham’s Mahabodhi
has a Buddha image as frontispiece satisfying the description
of Dharmasvamin; the image seen by our pilgrim was probably
similar to it. If our pilgrim is not narrating an old story, but
describing the image he actually saw, we shall have to conclude
that the present day image is different from the one seen
by him and has been installed in its place subsequently. The
# new Archaeological Museum at Bodha-Gaya has about half a
XXXil INTRODUCTION OF THE GENERAL EDITOR
dozen images, satisfying the pilgrim’s description. It appears
that the images with ushnisha were common in ioth and nth
centuries at Gaya and places around, and our pilgrim did sec such
an image in the temple. He had gazed on the image for hours
together and is not likely to have comrrtitted any mistake about
the head dress.
The information given by our pilgrim about the Mahabodhi
temple is only partly correct. It may be pointed out that this
temple is not mentioned by Fa Hian, but Yuan Chwang describes
it in detail and gives its height as 160 feet, which is nearly correct.
Our pilgrim states that it was only 35 cubits or 52^ feet in height.
This is obviously due to a scribal mistake ; for he states that the
spire of the temple was visible from a distance of two stages, i.e. 16
miles. The surrounding wall round the temple referred to by our
pilgrim must have disappeared in later times, probably owing
to natural causes. He had heard the tradition that Asoka had
encased the earlier temple and built the present one (p. 79).
Probably this refers to the Vajrasana structure and not to the
Mahabodhi temple, as asserted by the tradition reported to our
pilgrim. Archaeological excavations carried out by Cunningham
have proved that the Vajrasana structure goes back to the
ASokan age. 1 There were no temples in the days of ASoka.
In the present Mahabodhi temple, in front of the Garbha-
griha, which enshrines the image, there is an ante-chamber
12' x 7', and then a small Mandapa 15' x 16'. Dharmasvamin
states that when the Muslim attack was apprehended, they had
concealed the ancient image by building a wall in its front. In this
way they converted the ante-chamber into a temporary Garbha-
griha and installed a new image there, which they did not mind
falling a victim to iconoclastic fury. Before the arrival of our
pilgrim, the ancient image had been damaged and the emeralds
removed from its eye-sockets by Muslim soldiers (p. 70).
Our pilgrim states that behind the temple at the foot of
the Bodhi tree and supported by its two trunks was the symbol
of the ViSva-vajra, half a Yojana in size and that in the centre
1. Cunningham, Mahabodhi , p, 4-7.
light on geography and topography xxxiii
of this Vajra, was the Bodhi tree (p. 66). Yojana according to
our author, was even less than a mile, but a symbol about half
a mile in length is difficult to conceive. Probably he is referring
to the traditional belief and not to any actually existing symbol.
Yuan Chwang states that in his days the Vajrasana was covered
with sand and could not be seen. One can hardly imagine that
the pious Buddhists would ever have allowed the sands of flood to
conceal the Vajrasana for years; probably Yuan Chwang is
referring to the mythical Vi sva- vajra symbol, which was naturally
not visible anywhere. It may be added that there are many
temples at present in India built in or near riverbeds, which
are annually flooded by the sandy or alluvial deposits. These
are promptly removed when the floods recede; images or holy
symbols are never allowed to be covered with sand or allurial
deposits for years together.
In the days of our pilgrim the Bodhi tree had two trunks
and was inside a fort-like structure surrounded on the south,
west and north by a brick wall ; the entrance was from the east.
At present the Bodhi tree has only one trunk and there is only
an apology for a surrounding structure. It has no walls on the
south, east and north ; there is a small wall to the west of the
Bodhi tree, 6' 6" high and 5' 5" broad with a small door
in the middle. The fort-like structure seen by our pilgrim
has disappeared due either to natural causes or to human van-
dalism. According to Yuan Chwang the railing round the Bodhi
tree, constructed by Asoka, was 1 o' high. When it was destroyed
by SaSanka, Purnavarman built a new one, 24 feet high. Perhaps
our pilgrim might have seen this railing.
Our pilgrim states that inside the railing there were twenty
stone pillars, but he does not indicate their location more precisely.
The chankramana path (platform for walking) of the Buddha to
the north of the temple was once covered by a pavillion supported
by 22 pillars, bases of 1 1 only being visible now on the nothern
side. Probably Dharmasvamin is referring to these pillars, but
wrongly giving their number as 20 instead of 22. The bases of
eleven pillars of the chankramana path to the sourthern side
are no longer visible. To judge from the distance on the north
XXXIV
INTRODUCTION CF THE GENERAL EDITOR
side, the bases of the pillars on the south side should have been
3' away from the chankramana structure. But the northern wall
of the Bodhi temple is only two feet to the south of the chankra -
mana passage ; most probably it was extended further north and is
now cvering the bases of the row of eleven pillars to the south
of the chankramana path. The pillars seem to have been des-
troyed subsequent to the visit of our pilgrim.
Our pilgrim gives a detailed description of the stone railing
which impressed him considerably. He has stated that it was
built by Arya Nagarjuna, which is of course incorrect. Inscrip-
tions on the railing pillars show that it was built by Queen
Kurangi the wife of king Indragnimitra, who flourished in the
second century B.C. The stone railing was similar to a wall.
The open space between the railings, which is 2' 6 ', could
accommodate a young Tibetan bullock and the breadth of the
railing stone which is about three feet, was equal to that of a
middlesized Tibetan column. It was so well built that a mad
bull could not destroy it. Its top was covered by a stone netting,
and the foundation was well built with stones. The stone work of
the foundation was easy to sweep ; it was well polished, and so
did not require plastering (p. 70). The pilgrim’s statement
that the railing was circular is, however, incorrect ; it is
rectangular.
In front of the eastern gate, Dharmasvamin saw the foot-
prints of the Buddha on stone. Even today we have a stone
at this place with footprints of the Buddha. The present
stone foot-prints are however not the same as those seen
by Dharmasvamin, for their stone is round and not square in
section, as observed by our pilgrim. Its diameter is about 3 feet ;
the square foot prints seen by the pilgrim were 3 feet each side.
In the present enclosure of the temple there are two other stone
foot-prints behind the temple near the Bodhi tree ; they are
probably later, as they are not referred to by Dharmasvamin.
The pilgrim refers to a lamp-pillar, difastambha near the
stone footprints ; it is no longer there. He then refers to the
ruins of a gateway built by Hayagriva to the east of the foot-
prtints. This gateway still exists but seems to have been
LIGHT ON THE GEOGRAPHY AND TOPOGRAPHY XXXV
partly damaged and repaired after 1236 A. D. The
lower portion of the northern pillar, which was broken,
has subsequently been replaced by a plain uncarved stone.
The gate sculpture is medieval in type and therefore we can well
understand why Yuan Chwang does not refer to this gateway;
it did not exist in his days. The gateway might have been ruined
either by the natural causes or by the Muslim invaders.
In the days of Dharmasvamin, the extensive court yard
had gates on the east, north and west, but none on the
south. Following this tradition our pilgrim states that the Tibetan
Viharas have no gates on the south. The Tibetan intercourse
with Buddhist India is not earlier than c. 700 A.D.; and so we can
well understand the Tibetan convention. In the days of Yuan
Ghwang, however, the courtyard had a gate on the south but none
on the west. 1
The monasteries were in front of the northern gate, as is
the case now, and was also the case in the days of Yuan Chwang.
The Viharas in the days of Dharmasvamin were twelve in number
and had only 60 monks. They were small structures and their
accommodation varied from 6 to 15 each. In the days of Yuan
Chang there was in existence the extensive Mahabodhi Sanghara*
ma, accommodating 1,000 ecclesiastics of the Mahayana Sthavira
school. 2
The Animesha Chaitya to the north of the chankramana
on a flat rock, the Ratnagriha Chaitya at the back of the Vajrasana
and the four Stupas in the four corners of the enclosure which are
mentioned by Yuan Chwang do not figure in our pilgrim’s
account. The present tradition describes a temple to the east-
north-east of the Chankramana path as Animesha temple, and
another to its north-north- west as the Ratnagriha temple;
their locations do not agree with those given by the Chitnese
pilgrim. The present Animesha temple is on a high eminence;
whether there is a rock below it we cannot say. In the Maha-
bodhi enclosure, there are four circular bases in four corners;
x. Watter, On Tuan Chwang, II, p. 113
a. Watter, On Tuan Chwang , II, p. 1 36
SXXV1 INTRODUCTION OF THE GENERAL EDITOR
they are probably the plinths of the four Stupas seen in four
corners by Yuan Chwang. The Bhagarahula Stupa on the bank
of the Niraftjana attributed to Asoka and the emaciated image
of the Buddha situated at a distance of two arrowshots from the
Mahabodhi temple are referred to b^ our pilgrim (pp. 79.80)
but do not exist now. Either natural causes or iconoclastic van-
dalism may have been responsible for the disappearance of all
these monuments.
Yuan Chwang’s description of the temple and its halls is more
detailed and seems to refer to the structure now at Bodha-Gaya
with a few variations. According to the Chinese pilgrim the
spire of the temple was 1 60 feet high with a front breadth at the
base of about 37 feet. This is approximately true of the present
temple. The temple, says Yuan Chwang, was made of bricks
and coated in lime; it has tiers of niches with gold images;
its four walls were adorned with exquisite carvings. Ail this is
substantially true of the present temple.
When Yuan Chwang tells us that connected with the east
side of the temple were three lofty halls one behind the other and
that an open passage through them communicated with the
inner chamber, he is obviously referring to the present structure,
which satisfies this description ; only we have to understand
the porch by the easternmost hall. The roofs of these halls
seem to have undergone subsequent repairs and remodellings;
they show no wood work adorned with carvings. Yuan Chwang
does not refer to the four subsidiary shrines of the present temple;
they were probably added later.
RAJAGRIHA
From our pilgrim’s account we learn that old Rajagriha
situated within the hills existed in his days. There were about
600 to 800 houses in it (p. 89). He locates Veluvana on a marshy
land and on the northern side of a hill running from east to west.
Apparently there was a Stupa in it ascribed to A£oka.
gridhrakuta
This peak was surrounded by a thick forest full of snakes
and tigers. It was not safe to go to it except in a large group
and with conches, cymbals, bows and arrows, The peak was
LIGHT ON THE GEOGRAPHY AND TOPOGRAPHY
XXXVU
fairly steep at the top. Dharmasvamin saw here a terraced
Stupa in front of which was the spot where tradition said that the
Buddha used to preach.
NALANDA
The dilapidated condition of this University has been
already described in Section VI before ; we shall here refer to
some geographical topics and topographical details. The
Tibetans called this place Narendra because it was built by
a former Raja. Probably it is a Tibetan derivation based upon
a popular apabhrarhsa of Nalanda. Our pilgrim states that it
was situated on the further bank of the Ganga 1 and at a distance
of about two days to the south west of the Vajrasana. Both these
statements are wrong. Nalanda is not situated on the bank
of the Ganga. It is not to the south-west of Bodha-Gaya, but
Bodh-Gaya is to its south-west.
The pilgrim refers to Sltavana cemetary infested by serpents
as being to the north-west of Nalanda (p. 85).
As to the topographical details, our pligrim states, “It
(Nalanda) had seven great lofty pinnacles in the centre. On the
outside towards the north, stood fourteen lofty pinnacles. Outside
it there were about 80 small Viharas*. Possibly the seven great
lofty pinnacles in the centre were the structures in the Stupa row,
the remnants of four of whLh can be seen at present. What can
the 1 4 lofty pinnacles refer to ? The pilgrim says that they were
to the north of the seven great lofty pinnacles. Had he given
the direction as east, we could have identified these 14 structures
with the big monasteries, the remnants of eleven of which have
been so far exposed by modern excavations. Outside these
fourteen pinnacles, says our pilgrim, there were about 800
small Viharas. Modern explorotion or excavations have found no
traces of them so for.
The visitor to the Nalanda excavations is struck by the fact
that while there are good residential arrangements in the monas*
teries, they have no kitchens, store rooms, bath rooms and dining
halls. Monks could not have lived without these amenities. Can
it be that the 84 small Viharas of our pilgrim refer to the kitchens,
f I. Did the pilgrim mean, farther away from the bank of the Gang* ?
XXXVU1 INTRODUCTION OF THE GENERAL EDITOR
store-rooms and dining halls, which were built away from the
residential qnarters and to which the monks retired at the meal
time ? It is worthwhile making a search for these structures
among the ruins. Probably they have been already robbed by
brick-robbers. *
Dharmasvamin’s work is thus of considerable importance for
the reconstruction of the political and cultural history of Bihar.
It throws welcome and valuable light on a number of important
topics. I am, therefore, grateful to Dr. G. Roerich for kindly
undertaking the translation of this work at my request. I have
no doubt that the research workers in the field of Indian History
will welcome the work with great enthusiasm.
The Bihar Research Society, Patna, is the owner and
custodion of the photo- negatives of the MSS. brought from
Tibet by Tripltakacharya Rahula Sankrityayana, one of which
has been utilised for the publication of this work. The K. P.
Jayaswal Research Institute desires to express its indebtedness
to the Society for placing the photographs of this work at its
disposal for their decipherment and publication.
I "3“ I 959 A. S. Altekar.
K. P. Jayaswal Research
Institute, Patna.
INTRODUCTION OF THE EDITOR
ft
The life story or rnam-thar of Chag lo-tsa-ba Chos-rje-dpal,
translator Dharmasvamin, (i 197-1264 A D. ) is of particular
interest. The author belongs to a line 1 of lo-tsa-bas or transla-
tors, who had studied in India and had mastered Sanskrit.
Chag lo-tsa-ba witnessed the Muslim inroads into Tirhut (Tira-
bhukti) and Magadha, and saw the last days of the great Vihara
of Nalanda, and his account conveys to us something of the an-
xiety of those days.
Chag lo-tsa-ba’s life-story exists in manuscript form only,
and is little known in Tibet, though the author was well-known
in the Mongol period, and Tibetan writers of the I4th-I5th cen-
turies made use of it. The present manuscript was discovered
by Pandit Rahula Sarikrityayana, that indefatigable Buddhist
scholar and explorer, in the monastery of sNar-than in the gTsah
Province of Central Tibet during his 1936 expedition to that
country. A photostatic copy of the manuscript was brought
back and is now preserved in the rich Tibetan Collection of the
Library of the Bihar Resea r ^h Society in Patna.
To a great extent the life story ( rnam-thar ) of Chag lo-tsa-ba
is an autobiography, for Chag lo-tsa-ba dictated his account
to a disciple, who took down the lo-tsa-ba’s words, and the text
of the life story ( rnam-thar ) consists largely of quotations. This
was and still is a common practice among Tibetan scholars and
many of the existing life stories and even “Histories of the
Droctrine”, the so-called cho's-byun , 2 were originally dictated and
committed to writing by disciples, and this accounts for a differ-
ence in style and wording observable in many of the chos-biun .
The names of the scribes are often given in the colophons at
the end of the books. The Life story of Chag lo-tsa-ba was
taken down by the upasaka Chos-dar (Chos-dpal-dar-dpyah)
I. brgyud-pa, paraihpart.
* a. Dharmodbhva, “The Origin of the Dharma (Buddhism).**
xl
INTRODUCTION OF THE EDITOR
at the monastery of ’Ju’-phu in Yar-kluns, 1 and is given in the
colophon.
The text of the rnam-thar (life story) is in the cursive script
written in the so-called bsdus-yig whe^e two adjacent words are
combined into one (e.g. rein for rin-chen, ralna ). Certain pecu-
liarities of orthography seem to indicate that the copyist, if not
Chos-dar himself, must have been a native of Khams. Instead
of the prefix ‘m’ the text has an * a-chun , e.g. fal, instead of the
usual classical mjal , ’ thon instead of mthon. This is a peculiarity
of orthography often observed in manuscripts from Khams, or
Eastern Tibet, and is due to the nasal pronunciation of the V
chuti prefix peculiar to the Khams dialects. 2
Chag Chos-rje-dpal, born in a Fire-Female-Serpent 3 year
( [me-ms-sbrul ), or 1197 A. D., 4 was a nephew of Chag dGra-bcom
(1153-1216 A. D.), a disciple of the learned sTeris-pa lo-tsa-ba
Tshul-khrims-’byuh-gnas (1107-1190 A. D.), 5 6 who had studied
in India under the famous Tsa-mi Sans-ragys-rgags-pa, a Tibe-
tan Sanskrit scholar who attained the high distinction of being
appointed one of the dvara-panditas of the Vihara of VikramaSila,
and some of whose Sanskrit compositions are still extant. Chag
lo-tsa-ba’s father was the the great scholar (maha-dchdrya) Dar-ma
’byuri-gnas. The lo-tsa-ba’s (translator’s) birth-place is said to
have been the castle Chag-gron in Northern ITe’u-ra in Lower
goal (dbUs). An account of Chag-lo-tsa’-ba’s life is given
by ’Gos lo-tsa-ba gShon-nu-dpal (1392-1481 A. D.) in his
chronicle Deb-there-snon-pof ’Gos lo-tsa-ba must have seen the
Chag lo-tsa-ba’s mam* i/iar, for the short account of the lo-tsa-ba’s
(translator’s) life given by him in his chronicle agrees with
the text of the life story ( rnam-ihar )•
1. Also written Yar-lun.
2. See G. Roerich, “The Tibetan Dialect of Lahul, Journal of the
* 1 JrusvatV Himalayan Research Institute, Naggar, 1934, p. 98.
3. Tn the ancient Tibetan chronicles, the years are indicated by the
names of animals ; the names of elements also were added as prefixes later*
Hence this peculiar name of the year. The cycle of years adapted from
1027 A.D. was a sixty year cycle.
4. Blue Annals II, p. 1057. Sum-pamkhan-pa’s Re’u-mig : 1097 A.D.
5. See his biography in the Blue Annals , transl. by G. Reerich, part II,
pp. 1052-4.
6. Blue Annals , II, pp. 1057-9*
JOURNEY TO INDIA
xli
In his early youth Chag lo-tsa-ba stayed with his uncle Chag
dGra-bcom, who initiated him into Sanskrit studies and the work
of a lo-tsa-ba, or translator. The text especially mentions
that he studied the Sanskrit-Tibetan vocabularies included in
*
the bsTan-’gyur (section sNa-tshogs, Nos. 4346 and 4347),
which embodied the rules of translating Buddhist texts into
Tibetan laid down by the ancient Tibetan translators and approv-
ed by a special Tribunal, the so-called bCom-ldan-’das-kyi-
rin-lugs-kyi-’dun-sa attached to the Royal Palace and established
by king Khri-lde-sroh-btsan Ral-pa-can (Kesarin) in the 9th
century A.D,
After the death of Chag dGra-bcom in 1216 A.D., Chag
lo-tsa-ba made preparations for his journey to Nepala and India.
He spent ten years in gTsan visiting famous scholars. In Chag
lo-tsa-ba’s time the gTsan Province was still the seat of Tibetan
learning, maintaining a close contact with Buddhist scholars in
Nepala. About 1226A.D. Chag lo-tsa-ba proccded to Nepala,
and spent there eight full years. Thus he must have started
his journey to India in or about 1234 A.D.
His visit to India falls in the reign of Iltutmlsh (1211-1236
A.D.) of the “Slave” dynasty. Chag lo-tsa-ba witnessed the
constant Muslim incursions which followed the conquest of
Bihar and Bengal by Ikhtiyar-ud-Din Muhammad between
1193 and 1204-5. Bands of Turushka (Gar-log or Qarluq)
soldiers roamed about the country side. Chag lo-tsa-ba describes
the defensive measures taken by the inhabitants of Pattala
(Pa-ta of our text) in Tirhut. He found Vajrasana in Magadha
deserted. Chag lo-tsa-ba describes his meeting with the Raja
Buddhasena, whom he calls the ruling Raja of Magadha who had
his residence at Vajrasana. Buddhasena is known to Taranatha
who adds that the local Sena kings to whom Buddhasena belonged,
professed allegiance to their Muslim overlord. 1 At Vajrasana,
Chag lo-tsa-ba found Sravakas in control of the temples. The
great Vihara of VikramaSila, one of the seats of Tantric learning,
was still existing in the time of Chag dGra-bcom, the uncle of the
:. Taranatha, Geschichte d, Buddhismus in india, p. 256.
xlii INTRODUCTION OF THE EDITOR
author (1153-1216 A.D.) and of the Kashmir Pantjita Sakyafrlbha
dra (1145-1225 A.D.), who had come to Magadha in about 1174
A.D. and who had been invited to Tibet by Khro-phulo’tsa-ba
in 1203 A.D. 1 When our author Chag-Jo-tsa-ba Chos-rje-dpal
visited Magadha, there were no traces of it left, the Turushka
soldiers having razed it to the ground and thrown the founda-
tion stones into the Ganga. The sack of VikramaSila must have
taken place about 1 199 or 1200 A.D. at the time of the conquest
by Ikhtiyar-ud-Din Muhammad. The Vihara of Odantapuri,
which was also destroyed at the time of the conquest, is men-
tioned only twice as the residence of a Turushka military
commander.
From the account of Chag lo-tsa-ba it appears that the great
Vihara of Nalanda, though largely deserted and damaged,
was still standing in 1235-6, and that scholastic activities conti-
nued, notwithstanding the constant perils of the time. At Nalanda
Chag-lo-tsa-ba studied with the venerable Pandit a Rahulasribha-
dra and witnessed the arrival of Turushka soldeirs. This Rahu-
laSribhadra is mentioned by Taranatha in his rGya-gar-chos - byuh,
or “ History of Buddhism in India”*, who says that “In the reign
of Buddhasena there lived in Nalanda a great Pantjita Rahula-
Srlbhadra, who had some seventy students.”
Chag lo-tsa-ba stayed in Magadha for two full years until
about 1 236 A.D., and then returned to Tibet via Nepala. He was
persuaded to stay for some time at the monastery of Yan-dog
in Man-yul on the border of Nepala, where he spent some four
years. On his return to Tibet (in about 1 240-1), Chag-lo-
tsa-ba spent some time at the monasteries of ThaA-po-che,
’Ju’-phu and ’Phyos in Yar-kluAs. He spent some years at the
great monastery of Sa-skya in gTsan where he was invited by
Sar-pa Ye- jes-rgyal-mtshan and the Great Official or dPon-chen
Kun-dga’-bzan-po. This dpod-chen Kun-dga’-bzan-pe is well
known in Tibetan history. The nan-se of Saskya accused him
of coaspiracy against Dharmaraja ’Phags-pa and a Mongol
1. Tucci, “Tibetan Painted Scrols," II, pp. 335 and 6l1 -
3. Taranatha, ibid, p. 256.
LATER LIFE OF DH ARM ASV AMIN xliii
detachment was sent to arrest him. The dPon-chen was
captured in the fort of Bya-rog, and killed in 1281 A.D. 1
Khubilal, then an Imperial Prince in command of the
Mongol troops in China, and the Dharmaraja *Phags-pa (Gro-
mgon ’Phags-pa, 123^-1280) extended an invitation to Chag-lo-
tsa-ba to visit Mongolia and China. Another invitation was sent
in 1256 A.D. , and Chag lo-tsa-ba Chos-rje-dpal started on the
long journey to the North, but had to stay behind for reasons of
health. Pie passed away at the monastery of ITe-u-rain 1264
A. D. 2 This monastery still exists and is situated not far from the
monastery of Dwags-lha-sgam-po in Lho-kha; it is now a small
establishment with some ten resident monks, controlled by the
dGe-lugs-pa sect. It has a fine collection of bronze and
painted images.
In his account of his trip to India, Chag lo-tsa-ba gives a
number of Indian words and expressions, and in every case is
careful to translate them into Tibetan. Often he does not dis-
tinguish between classical Sanskrit and the spoken vernacular,
and in doing so, reflects the general attitude of early medieval
India that Sanskrit and the spoken vernacular were not conside-
red to be distinct idioms but different aspects or styles of a single
speech. 3
Chag lo-tsa-ba participated in the translation of numerous
short texts, sadhanas , vidhis, etc. included in the bsTan-’gyur.
The sDe-dge edition of the bsTan-’gyur contains the following
texts : —
1. Kalachakravatara-nama, Tg.rGyud, 1383. This text
Chag lo-tsa-ba translated with the assistance of Pandita
RahulaSribhadra, his preceptor at Nalanda.
1. Tucci, “Tibetan Painted Scrolls,” I, p. 16; II, p. 627.
2. The rnam-tham ( life story) states that Chag lo-tsa-ba died in a Wood-
Mouse year, i.e. 1264 A.D, At that time the Dharmaraja ’Phags-pa was
returning from Mongolia and China to Tibet, and the news of Chag lo-tsa-
ba’s demise was conveyed to him at ’Dam near Byah gNam-mtsho, the
Tengri-ndr of our maps. Sum-pa-mkhan-po places both events in 1265 A.D.
a Wood-Ox year. See S. C. Das, “Life of Sum-pa-mkhan-po and his chro-
nology of Tibet”, JASB, 1889, p. 55.
3. See Professor Suniti Kumar Chatterji’s article “Al-Blrdnl and
§ansknt "in the “ Al-Blruni Commemoration Volume", Calcutta, p. 88.
xliv INTRODUCTION OF THE EDITOR
2. Amritakanika nama Arya-namasamgltitippani, Tg.rGyud,
l 395-
3. Srldvibhujasa'mvarasadhana, Tg.rGyud, 1436.
4. Svadhishthan'akramopade£a-nama, Tg.rGyud, 1500.
5. Sragdharastotra, Tg.rGyud, 1691.
6. Karmantavibhanga-nama, Tg.rGyud, 1811.
7. Raktayamantakasadhana, Tg.rGyud, 2017.
8. Balividhi, Tg.rGyud, 2610.
9. Raktayamarisadhanavidhi, Tg. rGyud, 2021.
10. Srlraktayamarisadhana, Tg.rGyud, 2023
11. Srlraktayamarimaadalavidhi, Tg.rGyud, 2024.
1 2 . KrishnayamariraktayamariScha pujavidhi, Tg.rGyud, 2028.
13. Raktayamaribalividhi, Tg.rGyud, 2030.
14. Raktayamarisadhana, Tg. rGyud, 2031.
15. SvadhishthanakramopadeSa-raktayamantakabhisamaya, Tg.
rGyud, 2032.
16. Vajrayanasthulapatti, Tg.rGyud, 2482.
17. Arapacahanasadhana, Tg.rGyud, 2714.
18. Loke$varasadhana, Tg.rGyud, 2850.
19. Pancharaksavidhi, Tg.rGyud, 3596.
Vajravali-nama mandalasadhana (upayika), Tg.rGyud,
3140.
21. Nishpannayogavali-nama, Tg.rGyud, 3141.
22. Jyotirmanjarl-nama homopayika, Tg.rGyud, 3142.
23. Uchchhushma jambhalasadhana-nama, Tg.rGyud, 3743.
24. Raktayamariyantratattvanirdeliaka-nama-sadhana, Tg.-
rGyud, 2034. The Tohoku Catalogue gives the name of
the translator as Choskyi-bzan-po, but in Cordier’s Cata-
logue, LXXXI, 28, the translation is ascribed to Chag
Chos-rje-dpal.
25. Svarodayalagnaphalopade$a, Tg. rGyud, 4327.
In Cordier’s Catalogue the translation of the following
texts also is ascribed to Chag Chos-rje-dpal (Dharma-
svamisrt).
26. Prabhasodayakrama, Catalogue, XLIII, 99.
27. SrichakrasamvarabKisamaya-tlka, Catalogue, LXXIII, 58.
28. Prajnalokasadhana, Catalpgue, LXXIV, 4.
WORKS OF DHARMASV AMIN xlv
29. Pindlkramasadhana, Catalogue, LXXXI,i.
30. Yamantakayantravidhi, Catalogue, LXXXI, 30.
In identifying texts from the Tibetan bKa’-’gyur and
bsTan-’gyur Collections quoted in the text of the Life story
(i rnam-thar), I availed»myself of the Catalogue of the sDe-dge
edition of the bKa’-’gyur and bsTan-’gyur, published by the
Tohoku Imperial University (Sendai, 1934).
I offer my sincere thanks to Dr. A. S. Altekar, M. A., LL.B.,
D.Litt., Director of the K. P. Jayaswal Research Institute,
Patna, for his constant interest in the publication, and to Pandit
Rahula Samkntyayana for his kind help in the identification of
some Indian words in the text of the rnam-thar .
George N. Roerich.
TIBETAN TEXT
Chapter I
Chag lo-tsa-ba’i rnam-thar ’Ju-ba Ghos-dar-gyis mdzad-pa
no-mtshar-can yod 1 / /
rGya-gar-skad-du / Gu-ru-b&k-bi-ma-la-a-ba-li-na-ma/
Bod-skad-du/ bLa-ma’i gsuns dri-ma-med-pa bsgrigs-pa 8
shes-bya-ba /
Ghos-kyi-rje Chag lo-tsa-ba’i shabs-kyi-padmodri-ma-med-pa-
la gus-pas phyag-’tshal-lo//
dPal-gyi-mtshan-can dPal-gyi-don-ldan dPal//
bLa-ma’i shabs-rdul gus-pa’i gtsug-gis bsten//
mKhyen-pa’i ye-£es bkra-ba thugs-rje-can//
bLa-mas rtag-par byin-gyis-brlab-tu-gsol//
Chos-sku gdod-nas shi-ba’i phyir//
Dag-pa’ i sgyu-ma rgyu-las-skyes//
sTon-nid rtcn-’brel lohs-skur byo nil
bLa-ma’i shabs-la phyag-’tshal-lo//
bTags-na ma-grub rkyen-las-skyc//
Byas dati mi-rtag lta-bur gsuns//
rTag-chad-mthar-khu ^-du gsel 3 -mdzad / /
sMan-pa* i-rgyal-po-la phyag [1 ]-’tshal / /
Nam-mkha’i-mtha’-ni dpag-med-pa / /
Phyogs-bcu ma-lus bsdud-’dod-ltar//
bLa-ma’i-yon-tan dpag-med kyah//
Phyogs-’ga* gus-pas bri-bar-bya//
Dc-yah bLa-ma Chos-rje Chags 4 lo-tsa-ba mtshan Dharma-su
-mi-Sri 5 shes-bya-ba/ rGya-gar pan-chen bcu-gftis-kyi-yon-
1. The usual form at the end of a title is bshugs-so.
2. bsgrigs-pa here renders the Sanskrit Avail. In the Tibetan-Sanskrit
Dictionary of Tshe-rih dbah-rgyal (pubb by J. Bacot, Paris, 1930) translates
the Sanskrit grantha , grathita.
3. Read : sel.
4. Read : Chag.
5. Read : Dharmasvamisrl. Tibetan : Ohos-rje-dpal. In the colo-
phons of the bsTan-’gyur, Ghos-rje-dpal is often called dPal-gyi- mtha*-can
(“whose name ends in dPal)”, hence the dPal-gyi mtshan-can of our text-
2
LIFE OF DHARMASVAMIN
[Ch.
tan-mna’-ba mkhas-btsun grub-pa brhes-pa spyir rigs-pa’i-gnas-
lna dah/khyad-par-du snags dan sgra dan / mtshan-nid-kun-la
mkhas-pa-te 1 // snonyan mkhas-pa’i-’byun-gnas dbah-po-rno-
la lce-bde-ba’i-s w a sNal 2 -gyi-smad lTe’u-ra’ibyah-na Chag-gron
shes-pa mkhar-dkar-po zur-lha-pa-can der sku-’khruns-so//
kho-bo ni Chags 3 lo-tsa-ba dGra-bcom 4 shes-pa rGya-gar rDo-
rjc-gdan-du bshugs 5 -pa/ Ma-ha-bo-dhi Byan-chub-chen- po-
la mandal dan mchod-pa-rnam-lha mah-du phul-nas jne-tog-
gi-’phreh-ba man-po gtor-bas Byah-chub-chen-po’I shaa-gnis-lu
mdzes-par-chags-pas dkon-gner-la-sogs-pa -thams- cad ya-mtshan
skyes / Na-len-trar bDe-mchog-gi-lha-khan rten-gyi-druh- du
bsgrub-pas [2a] bDe-mchog shai-gzigs-pa’i mkhas-btsun grub-
pa brhes-pa bsgrub-pa-la brtson-pa dPal dGra-can-gyi-mkhan-
rgyud-’dz in-pa de ni mkhan-pa’o// mes-po-ni mes bla-ma
can-po 6 bKra-£is-dga* shes-pa theg-pa che-chun shags mdo-sde
thams-cad-la jnkhas-sih khyad-par-du yo-ga’i-’grel-chen-rnams-
la mkhas-pas dPal-mchog-gi-thig-rtsa-tsa-tshon-na’an mdzad /
mchog-ldan lhamo Re-jna-ti dan/ dKar-mo ni-zla-phren-can
bran-bshin-du 5 khol-ba’o// yab ni slob-dpon chen-po Dar-ma-
’byun-gnas shes-pa Jo-bo bzan-ba bDe-mchog-lhan-skyes dan /
Phyag-na-rdo-rje 5 i bsgrub-pa-po gyon-nam-bshag dan/ gyas
phreh-ba rtag-par thogs-pa gsun-dbyans snan-pa shin ma-
’gyer-ba shig-go // Chos-rje-hid-kyi-shal-nas pha jo’i gyer-ma
dbyahs shan-po de da-dun yid-la lcags gsuns // yum Chos-
’bum-gyi lhum-su Chos-rje shugs-pa’i-dus-su yum-gyi chags-
sdah-kun-’bral shin-rje chen-por gyur-nas bdog-pa thams-cad
’dzin-chags-med-par ga-tho-ma-thor su-tho-thod-Ia byin-
pas [2b] Chos-’bum sno-’dug-go shes grags-so//
sku-bltams-pa’i dus-su ltas bzan-po tshor-ba du-jna byuh/
i . Read : ste.
а. g£[al.
3. Read: Ghag.
4. dGra-bcom, 1153-1216,
5. Read : mhags-’dug-pa.
б. Read : chen-po.
I]
TIBETAN TEXT
3
na~za 1 -ras-kyi-an-ga-rag gsol-ba de-la de-nas lha’i-bu-gnis
me-tog-gi-char dan bdud-rtsi’i-rgyun ’bebs-sin klu’i-rgyal-po-
gnis-kyis gdan-khri ’bul-ba-byuh-ho// lTe’u-ra’i-rgyud-ris-la
yah de-ltar bris-brda’o// de-ltar ’gro-don-la byon bla-rna’i
sku II ha-can che-ba-rrfh-yin-la// ha-can chuh-ba’ah ma-yin-
la // bshugs-na gzi-brjid-che-ba-la// bshehs-na phyogs-kun
mdzes-pa’o // khyad-par-du yah dbu dan tshems // spyan yan
de-lta mi-la med // sde-snod-chos char-*bebs-pa’i-tshe// gdul
bya’i gti-mug sel-ba’i gsuh// de-lta’i-gsuh yah mi-la med//
de-yah ’phags-pa kLu-sgrub-kyi-shal-sha-nas// tshig-ni bden-la
’jam-po-dag / / yun-rin-dus-su brjod-pa-yi // mi-yi-dbah-p
ijags yans-sih// tshans-pa-yi-ni dbyahs-snan ’gyur// lhag-
par gusdan kur-ti 2 dag// ji-ltar rigs-par rjes-’jug-pas// tshems-ni
£in-tu dkar-ba [3a] dan// mdog-ldan m ham-pa* i-tshems-
su ’gyur II bden dan phra-ma-med-pa-yi// tshig-ni yun-riiis
goms-pa-yis// dpal-ldan tshems-ni bshi-cu-tham// mham
par-thag kyan bzah-bar-’gyur// chags dan sdan dan rmohs
med-cih// byams-pas sems-can bltas-pa-yis// spyan-ni bkrag-
can mthon-’thih-la 3 // rdzi-ma ba-yi lta-bur’gyur/j bzod-pas
mdans-ldan dge-bas brjid// bsam-gtan-gyis shi-blo-yisgrol /
shes-bya-ba’i rgyu-mthun-pa-las ’khtuhs-pa/ ljags yans-
£in bde-ba Tshahs-pa’i dbyaiis-dari-ldan-pa/ tshem 4 dkar-shih
tshad-mnam-pa/ thag^-bzan-ba grans bshi-bc u-tshan-ba spy-
an-mthon-’thm 6 dkar-nag phye-la/ spyan-rdzi bstug-pa 6 shal-
mdahs-dan-ldan-shih gzi-brjid che-ba shig-go/ dguh-la bdun-
pa bshes-nas klog dan rGya-yig dan/ Bod-yig dan/ bi-warta
mam-par-bsgyur-ba dan bka-’bcad-bris-thig bslabs/byis-pa’i-
dus-nas stan-khrims-lha-pa’i-dge-bsnen mdzad / dguh-lo bcu-
gcig-nas [3b] ni-£u-rtsa-gcig-gi-bar-du Chag lo-tsa-ba / gon-ma
dGra-bcom-gyi shabs-druh ma-bral-bar bsten bDe-mchog-gi-
dban thob/ shags mtshan-nid gshuh gdams-hag man-po shus/
1. Read: bza\
2 . Read : bkur-sti.
3. Read: mthon-mthiA.
4. Read: tshems.
a . Read : mthon-mthiri.
. Read : stug-pa.
4
LIFE OF DHARMASVAMIN
[ Ch.
sems-bskyed-kyi-bka’- lna shus-so/ spyir lo bcu-bdun-lon-
nas bshi-bcu-rtsa-lna’i-bar-du snag-snug-dan-mi-bral-ba’i da^n-
bca’-byas shes bla-jna-nid ’Ju-phur gsuns-so/ dguh-lo bcu-bshi
bco-lha’i-dus-su ITe’u-ra’i bKra-Sis-lhun-por sku-rntshanis bead-
nas khro-bo’i-rgyal-po Mi-gyo shon-pcrpus-brtsugs-kyi-bsnen-po
’buxn-tsho- ni-6u-rtsa-drug skyal-pas thugs-dam-lha’-i-shal-gzigs
de-yah gshan-las gsaii-te 1 slob-dpon Don-shags-la gsuris-pas
yid-ina-ches-par phyis Chos-rje rGya-gar-du gshud-tshe Don-
shags-pa na-re da rGya-gar-nas mi-ldog// srog-gi bar-chad
yah yah yi-dam-lha’i-shal-mthoh gsuh te 2 bar-chad yin zer skacl-
pa la dus-phyis Chos-rje rDo-rje-gdan-nas bar-chad-med-par
byon/ dgohs-pa’i don-thajns-cad grub- nas ITe’u-rar phebs-pa’i-
dus-su Don-shags-pa [4a] de yid-ches-dad-gus gshan-las che’o //
bla-jna ’di grub-thob yin-par-’ dug-pa- la na nih ha’i rmi-lam-na
ITe’u-ra’i nub-phyogs rGya-tsha’i-ri’i-steh-nas ni-ma sar-bas
mhal-sa 3 thaxns-cad ’od-kyis khehs-pa’i ncni-lam byuh / Ghos-rje-
pa ’byoh-pa’i-Itas bzah-po yin-par-’dug gsuh-nas sin-tu gus-pa-
che skad-do// dguh lo hi-$u’i-dus-su Chos-rje-goh-ma’i shal-nas
hid rGya-gar-du gshud-dgos / de-la Bi-warta-ni ses-zin/ ynhon-
pa ses-dgos-pas slob-Sig/ Bal-po’i gnas-po bha-ro Hah-
thun-ba-la gyis-si g/ de-kun ha’i gnas-po yin-no/ pandita-
rnams-la chos-shu-tshad-la dus-xnnani-du shus-sig/ phyis shus-
na sna-ma yni hes-pa ’oh-no/ nus-na rGya-gar rDo-rje-
gdan-du gshud/ rGya-gar-gyi-chu ’thuh-ba-tsam-gyis kyan
’oh-ho/ sgra-bzah-la lce-bde-bar-’gro gsun-ba’i gsun-chem gnah-
nas der Ghos-rje-gon-xna rGya-gar rDo-rje-gdan-du gtugs-pas
SakyasrI dan [44>] Buddha&rl dan / RatnaSrI-la-sogs-pa’i lo-tsa-ba
mdzad-cih thugs-zin-pa/ dPyal- lo-tsa-ba Chos-kyi-bzah-po dah
rGya-gar-du dus-mishuhs-pa’i grogs-po-dam-pa bDe-xnchog-
gi grub-pa brnes-pa de dguh-lo dmg-bcu-rtsa-bshi-la
sku-g£egs-so// de-nas de’i lo-rar.-la Chos-rje rGya-gar rDo-
rje-gdan ma-mthoii-bar-du Bod-du mi-bzlog-pa’i dam-bca*-
1. Read: ste.
2. Read: ste.
3. Read: nal-sa.
TIBETAN TEXT
5
II]
mdzad/ ITe’u-ra’i sar-gyi sgo’i-them-pa-la shabs gtab-nas rDo-
rje-gdan ma-jnthoh-bar-du bzlog-ri’i-dbu-snun-bshes-nas shan-
po tshad-ma dan ’dul-ba ses-pa’i dge-bses-cig-gis shabs- thogs-
mdzad-nas byon-rtsa-du bla-mas Sa-skya lo-tsa-ba dan / Khro-
bu lo-tsa-ba dan/ i^ani-stod lo-tsa-ba dan/ byan-chub-sejns-
dpa* sNar-thah-pa Gro-chen-po-la-sogs-pa mkhas-btsun-mah-po-
la chos mah-du gsan/ bla-ma chen-po Guh-thah-pa Lha-btsun-
la lhag-par chos xnari-du gsan-te m^on-pa-kun-las-bUis mkhas-
par-bslabs Chos-rje’i thugs-nas gsuh-ba’i dpe-cha [5a] lag-
’thiP-tsaxn-yah ma-dgos-par-gda’// ’Phags-skor rNogs 3 -lugskyah
der gsan-no / / de-ltar gTsan-du lo bcu bshugs-so / / bla-ma
Ghos-rje Ghag lo-tsa-ba Bod-du sku-’khruhs-pa’i le'u-siv-dan-pa o //
Chapter II.
De-nas Bal-yul-du gnas-pa’i-khan-par byon-pas thag-rih-
po-nas byon-pas shel 4 -gso dgos zcr/ sha-dro phyi-rol-du
byon-pas thugs-skyo/ phyi-dro srah-mdor byon-pas kyan
thugs-skyo-nas bla-ma ’jal-bar 5 myur-du riris-nas gnas-po’i-
gam-du byon-nas ha ’gro gsuhs-pas ’o-na gshud zer/ de-nas
5 Phags-pa Sih-kun-du bla-ma Ratnaraksita Rin-chen-’tsho’i
spyan-snar byon-nas dril-bu legs-pa gcig bla-jna-de-la phul/
badzra-ghanta pha-la pha-la gsuh/ Chos-rje’i-thugs-la dril-
bu gcig phul-ba-la rdo-rje dril-bu bzan gsun-ba ci-tsug yin snam-
tsa-nas Lho-Bal-na dril-bu’i-mgo-la-rdo-rje-yod-pa-de-la rdo-
rje-dril-bu zer-bar-’dug/ dril-bu-mgo-ined-pa [5b] rta’am glan-
po’i-ske-la-btags-pa-de-la dril-bu zer-bar-’dug / bla-ma-de-la-
dril-bu de phul-bas de’i mthoh-chos da-lta dril-bu sum-rgya tt -
tsam yod-pa ’di byuii gsuns/ de-na Bod-kyi mi-kham-pa 5 i
dge-bses sTon-grags-la-sogs-pa drug dbah-shu-bar-’dug-pa-Ia
rGya-skad-ses-pa mi-’dug-nas der lo-tsa-ba mdzad-nas bDe-
mchog-lha-bcu-gsum-xna’i-dbah-la-sogs-pa lha thob/ ha khoh-la
dr in-che na-la’ah khon dr in-che gsuns Thags-pa Sin-kun-na
i . Read : phu.
2* Read: rnthil.
3. Read: r&og.
4. Read: milel.
5. Read: mjal.
6. Read: brgya.
6
LIFE OF DHARMASVAMIN
chos-bshi 1 yod / de’i-tshe bla-ma Ratnaraksita rten ’ga’ bshens-
nas rab-gnas-byed-pa’i sa-chog-mdzad-khar-’ dug-pa-la sleb-pas a
mhes-nas Bho-ta a-ti-pha-la 3 /Bod ho-mtshar-chenid-lta-buBod-
du skye-bar-’dug gsuns-so / yaii pandita chen-po Re-wendra-de-
wa 4 ^ri-aia , i-db a n“p° , i-lha rnhon-par-£es«pa-mha’-ba’i dge-bsnen
de-la *Phags-skor dan rDd-rje-’phren-ba-la-sogs-pa’i [6a] chos
mah-du- shus / mdo-rgyud rtogs-pa-bsdus-pa tshar gsum gsan-
pas de-tsam mi-dgos gsuris yah shus-te gsan-pas mnes-te/ ba-
hu-ta-satwa-arthi r ’ seins-can mah-po’i don ’oh gsuh-ho gsun/
Bal-yud-na ’Phags-pa Bu-kham-gi-gtsug-lag-khaii-na sPyan-ras-
gzigs-kyi sku sih-tsan-dan-la rari-byon/ byis-pa-lo-lha-lon-
pa-tsam-gcig-la sku-jndog dmar-por bshugs/ ’Phags-pa Bu-
kham de rGya-gar-na grags-che/ Bod-na ’Phags-pa Sih-kun
grags-che/ ’Phags-pa Bu-kham de ston-zla ’brin-po’i tshes-
brgyad-la phyi-rol-du spyan-drans-nas mchod-pas ltad-mo
chen-po ’on/ yul-mi spy’i-mchod-pa-byas-nas bye-brag- tu
rgyal-po dan/ bha-ro dan kun-gyis ran-ran-gi khan-par spyan-
drahs-te mchod-pa-byed / sho dan ’o-ma dan sbran dan sbran-
rtsi dan/ ka-ra dan lha-la phyis bdud-rtsi-lha zer-te de-dag-gis
spyi-bo-nas blug f, -te sku-khrus gsol-nas khrus-chu shus-pas
khrus-shu daxi bza’ bgra-ka-’oh /dc-ltar zla-ba phyed-du mchod-
pas [6bJ mtshal sas-che-ba’i rtsi-dmar-po-yod-pa-de sahs-kyi
byi-nas med-par-’gro / de-nas zla-ba phyi-ma’i-tshe-bdun-gyi
nin-bar hah-du 7 zer-ba shags-pa gshon-pa-rnams-kyis bsil-yab-la-
sogs dan rol-mo xnah-po thogs-te lha-khan-du spyan-drans-te
ltad-mo man-po ’on/ tshes-brgyad-kyi nin-bar rtsi-dmar-po
gsar-du gsol-bar-’dug gsu in// dbU-ma rin-chen ’phren-ba’i le’u
gsum-par snin-po-lha-rnams sby in-pa dan shes-par de gsuh-ho //
yah Bal-yul-na Tham bi-ha-ra 8 Ka-pa’i gtsug-lag-khah-ham
Gon-gi-lha-khanzer/ de-ni mchod-rten-gcig-la nub-re-bshin ’od-
1 . Read : chos-gshi.
2. Read: bslebs-
3. a-ti-pha-la <*atibhala
4. Ravindradeva. ,
5. bahusattvarthl.
6. Read: blugs-.
7. haA-du <n. pr.
8. Vih&ra.
TIBETAN TEXT
7
III]
J bar-ba Jo-bo-rjes gzigs-nas de-na ci yod kun-la dris-pas
£es-pa-ma-byuri-ba-la rgan-xno-gcig na-re Sans-rgyas ’Od-bsruns-
kyis dkyil-’khor bshehs-pa’i rdul-tshon yod-pa-yiri-namshes zer-
bas des shabs-tog-tu Jo-bos lha-khan bshens-pa-te 1 mchod-rten
de’i mdun-na Sakya-thub-pa’i gscr-sku bshehs-pa-gcig yod,/ de-la
Jo-bo Mi-’jig-pa-sbyin-pa zer/rGya-gar-ba gnas de-la [7a]
Dharjna- dha-tu-bi-ha-ra 2 Chos-kyi-dbyins-kyi-gtsug-lag-khan
zer-ro// de-na gser-sran brgyad-bcu ’jenMa btags-pa’ i-khri
rgyan-rnam-bshi-zanMa ’phul 5 -ma-byas-pa/ gser-byugs-pa mu-
tig-gis-brgyan-pa yod-pa / de blans-nas mchos- 6 ’dzugs-pa’i-mis
bla-ma bshugs-su-gsol-ba bkur-sti yin/ de-nas da-lta-bar
chos-tshugs-b^an-fio / Ghos-rjes der ina-bshugs ’Phags-pa
Sih-kun-na chos-gshi yod-pas der bshugs gsun/ Rin-chcn-
phreh-bar dam-pa 5 i-chos dan chos-sgra-la/ khyod-kyi bkur-sti
mchog dan ni shes-pa de gsuri-iio// yah bla-ma 5 i-shal-nas
snags-pa’i bu-tsha yin-pas mthu’i-rigs-rnams dgos snam-nas
ma-lo-pa-tra shes-bya-ba-la-sogs-pa nan-snags sog-deb-lha-
tsam bris-te phyis ston-der-son / de-tsa-na sde-snod mah-po
miian-yod-pa-yin-te/ nan-snags-kyi dgos-pa-med snam-pa ma-
byuh/ bla-ma Rawendra’i 7 -spyan-shar phyin-pas de-tsho-
dgos-pa-med-par son bla-ma de ddn-che nan-snags-rig phyis
med-par-byas gsun/ [7b J Bal-yul-du lo-ril-po brgyad bshugs-so / /
De’-i-dus-su rGya-gar-na’an sgra-la-mkhas-pa med-de 5 oh snam-
pa’ i gdogs-yod gsuns/ bLa-ma Ghos-rje Chags 8 lo-tsa-bas
Bal-yul-du byon-pa’i le’u-t t^-gnis-pa’o / 1
Chapter III
De-nas rGya-gar-du bshud-pa-la- bla-ma gTsan-pa Gye-re-
ma 10 dan bla-ma Re-wandre 11 -ghis ma-gtogs-pa Khro-pu 12 -pa
1. Read: sie.
2. Dhannadhatu-vihara.
3. Read: rjen.
4. Read: bzan.
a . Read: phul.
. Read: chos,
7. Ravindra.
8. Read: Chag.
9. Read: stc.
10. Read: Gye-re-ba.
u. Ravindra.
12. Read: phu.
8
LIFE OF DHARMASVAMIN
[CL
dan Sa~sJkya*pa~Ia-sQgs-pa-thams-cad-kyis sku-tshc *i-bar«chad-
f on mi-bshud-par-shu gsun/ Gye-re-ba ’i-shal-nas rGya-gar~du
byon yari bar-chad mi-’ori gsuri/ Re-wendra*i J -shaI-nas khyod
rGya-gar-du byon yari bar-chad-mi-yori ’o-skol pha-bad 1 2 3 4
’jalS-’ori gsuri-pa de-ka-ltar byuri/ bla-ma-de-griis-la mrion*
$es-;mria’-bar-’dug gsuri-Ao/
gYog-gi-shari-po de Bal-yul-du groris de-nas shabs-thogs-pa-
med-par byon-te/ dbUs-nas rGya-gar bslcor yari gyog-mcd-ciri
rtsod-dus mi-rgod mari yari lam-du ran nain-yari chom-pos
bcom-pa jna-mchis-pa de’ari mkhan-po Chos-rje chen-po’i
drin shes yi-ge’ari [8a] xndzad-do / Bal-po-nas rGya-gar-du bshud-
pa-la drari- srori-gi-ri U-si-ra shes-pa rtse-mthon-nam mgo-po-
che zer-ba sogs ri-gsum yod / deri-sari Bal-po’i skad-lab-pa’i-sa-
nasbyon-pas rGya-gar-ba’i skad-lab-pa’i-sar sleb 1 gsuri/ sleb-
pa’i-sa-na Ti-ra-hu-ti shes-pa’i yul-khams yod/ de’i dkyus-
thag-la zla-ba gsu ml dkyus-thuri-sos-la’ari riin-lam rii-§u yod /
de-nas phar grogs-po Khams-pa IDan-ma Tshul-Khrims seri-ge
bya-ba-dari-gnis kyis byon-pas rigs—rian mos bsdas-pas Ghos-
rjes bros-pas thar/ Tshul-khrixns seri-ge xno-gcig-gis lag-pa’ari
bcag-go de-dus-na bslab-pa gtsari grien-po-che-ba yin-pa-la /
phyis bslab-pa ’chal-pas kho Si/ ra-ga-ni-sri-ta zer-te J dod-
chags-bsten-pa de Bod-kyi byas-na rGya-gar-gyi-tshad-pa
’phog ’chi-ba-yin / ra-ga-a-ni-Sri-ta ’dod-chags-mi-bsten-pa
bslab-pa gtsari-seri-rie-byas-pas ria ma-si gsuri/ Ti-ra-hu-ti-na
lam-nas-mthori-ba’i-lho-nub-mtshams-Sig-na bu-ram-Siri-gi [8b]
nags-tshal srio-thib-se-ba yod gshan-pas srio / bu-ram de-nas ’ori
gsuri / yul de ni grori-khyer Pa-ta bya-ba mi-khyim ’bum-tsho
drug yod-pa/ Icags-ri bdun-gyis skor-ba / lcags-ris mtho-ba-
la Bod-kyi-mkhar-tsam-pa de’i-phyi-rol-du chu dan siri-la-sogs-
pa’i ’obs ni-su-rtsa-gcig-gis-bskor-ba’i-dbus-na rgyal-po’i-pho
bran yod / de-la sgo-mo che-ba bcu-gcig yod / Sar-nub-lho-na
gsum-gsum / byari-na griis/ byari-gi-griis-po ma-mthori gshan-
1. Ravindra.
2. Read : pha-spad.
3. Read : mjal.
4. Read: bslebs.
TIBETAN TEXT
9
III]
rnams-la sgo-mdun-na zam-pa yod zam-pa’i-phyi-rol-na go-
mtshon-mdun-na-bshag-pa’i mi-mda’-’phen-pa bcu-lhag re-re
yod / zon-byed-pa ’dra de-la Tu-ru-ska Gar-log-zer-ba’i dmag-
gis lo-skor-gcig-tu dmag-draiis kyari ma-phebs skad/ de-na ral-
skor-Scs-pa’i-mi gsum y&ri yod skad /glah-po-chc-mo-gcig yah
rgyal-po de-la yod gsuh /de-na pharzla- bo Bal-yul-nas pha’i-rus-
bu chu-bo Ganga-la skyel-ba des [9a] pha’i -sdig-sgrib dag-par-
’dod-pa mu-stegs-pa’i-lugs pha’i-rus-bu chu-bo Gahga-la skyel-
ba’ i-mi yin zer-nas ya-mtshan-par-byed-pas dc-’dra sum-brgya-
tsam dan/ rDo-rje-gdan-du ’gro-ba bcu-drugdah bsdebs-nas
byon gron-khyer Pa-ta der Chos-rje daii mi bshis rgyags-’tshol-
du-byon-bag-tsam-gcig mgor 1 -nas byon-pas lajn-na zla’o-rnams
nal-por-bcugs-pa-soh-nas mi-’dug chu-gcig-la gnan*-pa-gcig- gis
gru-gton-du ma-nan-pas kyan Ian Chos-rje-ba mi bshis chu
brgod-pa-dah mun-sros-par-gyur lam-na shug-ma mah-po
yod-pas gri-Idob-khyer-te-bcag-nas me-sgron re-re thogs-nas
byon-pa-la Chos-rje’i shabs-la tsha-tam-pa-cig byun tur-gyis
bton-pas snug-ma’i-tshal-pa-cig zug-nas shabs-las spags 3 -pa
lag-’thil 4 -lsam-cig Ihogs-’dug khrag mah-po sor gsuh /d e-ltar gyur
kyah snug-mc-sgron phyag-tu bsnams-nas groh-du zla’o-rnams
dris-shin byon/ [9b] gcig-nas-gcig-gtubyon yah gcig-nas-gcig-tu
byon-pas nam-phyed -tsa-na zla’o-rnams sned 5 -do/ la-la gnid-
du-son-ba-byas la-la ghid-ma-byuh-bar sdug-mhal-nas ’dug gsuh/
de’i-sah de Chos-rjes chags cig ’tshol-ba’i ’gron-po sum-brya-po
de ’gro-stabs-chag gsuh/ de’i-gsan 6 de-nas byon-te nin-Iam
mah-po soh-ba’i-bar lan-cig / kha-saii ma-hes mi gsum bsad-de
de-rih ’gro-ma-nus zer-ba-cig-la grogs-po sum-brgya-dah-bcas-
ste Ghos-rje-hid dah grogs-po-dam-pa-ghis dan gsum-pos
shon-la yah ma-byon / phyi-la yah ma-lus-par dbus-na yar-
byon-pa-la grogs-po-sha-ma-rnams rdul tsa-re-thig-gis bros-nas
byun kha-sah mi gsum gsod-pa’i-ma-he de byuh-te 7 kha-dog
1. Read: *gor.
2. Read: miian.
3. Read: pags.
4. Read : mthil.
5. Read: rned.
• 6. Read: saft.
7. Read: ste.
10
LIFE OF DHARMASVAMIN
[ Ch;
nag-pa/ kha~rlans che-ba/ rmig-p as sa rdul-ba/ rgyah-nas
kyaii ra gyob-ciri brduh-stahs ’jigs-su-ruh-ba-rnams ston-pa/
sbo’i spu-yan-pa-riri-po sa-la slebs-pas gru-bshir snon-He rgyari-
nas blta-ba-la char-ba gdori-la bzed-pa ’dra-ba [10a J / ma-he’i
Bod-skad-du gyag-rgod ces-par bsgyuiram gshan skaddod-med
gsuh/ der de-’ dra’i ma-hes fien-te 5 jigs-pa chen-po byun kyan
Chos-rjes lam-bsruns-mdzad-pas gsod-du-ma-byun kho-ran
nags-khrod gol-bar-soh gsun/ de-ltar nin-lajn dgu-bcu mu-stegs-
kyi-gyalkhamsTi-ra-hu-ti-labyon-pa > i-le’u-te 1 -gsum-pa , o // //
Chapter IV
De-nas Y ahs-pa-can-gy i gron-med-pa’ i-mtha’-’khob n in-lam
drug yod / Drah-sron-gi-ri U-£rir-shes-pa rTse-mthon nam
mGo-bo-che zer-ba yod de-kun-tu s i -sky id-kyi -jag-pa ’on de-
ma-gtogs-pa gron-du sleb-tsam-yod / ijohs Yans-pa-can-shes- *
bya-ba dkyus-thun-sos-la hin-lam brgyad / dkyus-rin-sos-la
n in-lam ni-su-yod-pa-shig-go / de-na ’Phags-ma sGrol-ma rdo-
la-ran-byon-bshehs-sku dbu-gyon-du-skyog-gc-ba shabs-gyon-
mnam-pa’i-rkah-stabs-la gyas-pa-logs-su-bstan-pa-can phyag-
gyas ynchog-sbyin gyon dkon-mchog-gsum-mtshon-gyi-sor-mos
thugs-kar-brgyan-pa [10b] de’i shal mthoh-ba-tsam-gyis bar-
chad-sel-ba 5 i byin-rlabs sin-tu-che-ba gcig bshugs / Yans-pa-
can-gyi-groh-khyer chen-por byon-pa-nade 5 i mi-kun sin-tu grel - 2 3
bar-’dug-te 4 5 6 Gar-log-gi-dmag ? ur-che-bas rhahs 4 -Sin skrags-par-
brda skad / de-nub Chos-rje lo-tsa-bas gzigs-lam-du rDo-rje-
gdan-gyi ji-lfS-ba gzigs-sih Chos-rje lo-tsa-ba goh-ma dan’
’jal 6 -nas gsun-gleh yah xndzad-do // de-skad-du’ ah Chos-rje-
nid-kyis-mdzad-pa’i- bla-ma’i-sku-drin-dran-pa’i-tshigs-bcad
anu-pra- sa-la 7 rjes-su skyahs 8 -pa’i-rgyan-shes-pa-las / lam-
grogs bgrod-pa man kyan Gar-log^dan / nags-kyi-ma-hes
nenyan rnam-’phrul-gyis / rDo-rje-gdanmthongegs-su-ma-gyur-
1 . Read : miion.
2. Read: ste.
3. Read: brel.
4. Read: ste.
5. Read: dnahs.
6. Read : mjal.
1 :
TIBETAN TEXT
11
IV]
pa / de yah mkhan-po Ghos-rje chen-po s i drin shes-pa dc*i
don ji-ltar lags shus-pas / de-la ma-hes hen-pa goh-du Ti-ra-
hu-ti’i-skabs-su bsad-zin-to // rnam-phrul-gyi 1 rDo-rje-gdan
xnthoii gsuh-ba ji-ltar lags/ses Than-po-c he’i [11a] -dgon-pa-chen-
por ston-rhos-gsuh-dus-subla-brah thog-khar shus-pas de khyod-
kyis bris sam gsuh lo-lha’i-gon-du ITe’u-rar bris-lags shus-pas
de’i don 5 di yin gsuh / Yahs-pa-can-du slebs-pa-na mi-thams-
cad Gar-log-gis ’jigs-pas tho-rahs bros-pas nam-la bros-po-byed
na’i zla* o ’gron-po zer-ba / lam-la- ’gro-ba-gsum-brgy a*
yod-pa-rnams kyah ’grcs-par-’ dug-pa-la ria’i rmi-lam-na rDo-
rje-gdan-du phyin-pas Chos-rje goh-jna byon-pas phyag-
mkhar-gyis lha-khan-gi-sgo-rnamsphye-nas bu khyod ’di-rnams
legs-par-gzigs-sig / ’jigs-jni-dgos-kyi 5 di-na yar-la-byon-cig
gsuh-ba-yin / de-nas ghid-bsad-nas snih-la fiams-dga’-bar-
byuh gsuh / de-nas thorah 2 de Ijohs Yahs-pa-can* gyi nii-thams-
cad bros has ma- bros-pas zla’o gcig na-re ’o-na ha yah bsdod 3
zer yah cig 4 -gis bsdad / ned-gsum-gyi 5 bsdad-pas de-nas ’gron-
po-gcig-gis 6 bsdad-do / ni-ma sar-nas sgo-mdun [lib] -du byon-
pa-na yon-bdag-mo gcig yas-na byuh-te 7 ’gron-po-kun gtam-shan
zlas-su-yod-do shes zer-te dmag rGya-gar-nub-phyogs-la soh-
ho zer / der thams-cad dga’-tshor chen-pb byuh-te 6 mi -kha-
cig na-re bud-med de lha-mo sGrol-ma rah yin zer-nas dga’-
byun gsuh-nas Chcs-rje-nid bshad-do // Yahs-pa-can-du rDo*
rje-gdan gzim-lam-du gzigs-pa ’i-le ’u-ste-bshi-pa’o //
Chapter V
De-nas Yans-pa-can-gyi-mtha’-nas rDo-rje-gdan-du lhor
nin-lam brgyad yod chu-bo Gahga yod / de-ni nub-nas sar-
du ’bab-pa shog-pa-sha-mo-nas gru-la phyin kyah pha-rol-du
dgons-mo-las mi-sleb-pa gru-sgam-bu- ’dra-ba-ghis-pa-de-pa
thag-gis bcihs-pa 5 i-nan-du mi sum-brgya-tsam soh-ba-yod /
1. Read: -gyis.
2. Read: rans.
3. Read: bsdad.
4. Read :gcig.
g.Omit- gyi.
s 6. Omit: gis.
0 7. Read: ste.
8. Read: ste.
12
LIFE OF DHARMASVAM IN
[ Ch.
chu-bo de’i-nah-nas chu-srin nakra shes-pa gyag-tsam-gcig
byuh-na res- ’ga’ gru sdib-tu ’jug-te 1 res- ’ga’ gru ’i-nah-nas xni
bzun-nas khar [12a] ’khyer-’gro-bas £in-tu ’jig-pa che’o//
Ganga’ i pha-rol-na yul Ma-ga-dha yod-de / Bod-skad-du dbus-
gyur-’chan madhya dbus ga-ti gyur-pa dh 2 -ra-ya-ti ’chan-ba’o
yul de-ni rDo-rje-gdan-nas phyogs bshir dpag-tshad drug-cu
drug-cu ’i nan-ni dbus-kyi sa ’o de-ni sa’i-chas-phyes-pa’i-dbus
yin-no bstan-pas phye-ba’i-dbus-ni thos-bsam-bsgc m-gsum gar
yod-pani dbus / med-pa ni mtha’-’khob yin-no gsuns-so // Ma-
ga-dha’ i bye-brag daksi-na-ra 3 shes-pa lho-phyogs-kyi-rgyud
ces-pa-na Badzra-sa-na 4 rDo-rje-gdan yod / Bya-rgod-phun-po
’i-ri dan / Na-lendra 6 dan / rGyal-po’i-khab dan / ’Od-
ma ’i-tshal yod / Bi-kra-ma-si-la Chos-rje gon-ma’i druh dan
Kha-che pan-chen-gyi-dus-na ycd-pa-na Chos-rje byon-
pa-na Gar-log-gis rmahs-rdo ’an bton-te chu-bo Gan-
ga 6 — la kyur 7 -nas mi-’dug gsun / bla-ma Chos-rje’ i
rDo-rje-gdan 8 dus-su jni-gcig kyan mi- ’dug-pa-la grogs-btsun-
pa bshi yod-pa ’i rgyus [12b] -can / gcig na-re ma-legs Gar-log-gis
nen-nas bros-pa-yin zer Byan-chub-chen-po’ i-sku de ’i sgo so-
phag-gis legs-par-brtsegs shal-shal-byas de ’i-tsar 9 sku-cig bshag-
te 10 rdzus-ma sku-fshab-tu byas phyi-sgo-la’ah’dam-shal-rgyab-
nas der dban-phyug-chen-po’ i-sku-gcig bris-pas de mu-stegs-
kyis mi-sig-pa’i thabs-byas- ’dug-pas ran-re lna-po’ah sdod-
mi-nus ’bros-dgos zer-ba-]a nin-]am-rin-la tshad-pa che / sku-
snel 11 mun-sros-pas der lus gzims-su-son / Gar-log byuh-na mi-
tshor-ba-’dug gsuhs / nam-lan-nas byah-phyogs-la ( gih-rta-
drahs-pa’i rjcs-su-’brans-nas bros-nas shag bcu-bdun sku de’ i
shal ma-mthon gsuhs / de’i-dus-su yah bud-med-cig byuh-
nas Gar-log thag-rih-po-shig-tu son-nas med zer gtam-snan-po
1. Read: ste.
2 . dharayati .
3. Dakshi^a.
4. Vajrtisana.
5. Nalanda.
6. Read: g&.
7. Read : bskyur-.
8. Insert -du- byon-dus-su.
9. Read : rtsar.
10. Read: ste
ix. Read: mftel.
TIBETAN TEXT
13
V]
bsgrags-so II de-nas rDo-rje-gdan-du byon-nas Jo-bo Byan-chub
-chenpo ’i-sku-lagsol-ba-btab-skor-ba-mdzad-cih bshugs-pa-la
nin-gcig rgyal-po nags-nas ’byon-pa-yod-dozer [i3a] grags-tsa-na
rDo- rje-gdan-du bshugs-pa yul Ma-ga-dha-cig-gi-bdag-po rgyal-
po Buddha-se-na Sahs-*gyas-sde shes-pa bGom-ldan-’ das-kyi-
shan-po 1 2 3 4 5 i-rgyud-pa rgyal-po Lha-brtan-gyi-rigs-cig gda’-ba de
nags-khrod-nas by on-pa 5 i-lam-du Gho-rje grogs rab-tu-byun-
ba-bshi-dafi btsun-pa hi a bshugs-pa-la / rgyal-po de glah-po-
che logs-na’dom-gcig-yod-pa jmtho-dman khari-pa thog-span-
’brin-po- tsam-pa-sh i g-g i -steh-na rin-po-che’ i-khr i ba-so ? i-rgyan
gyis-brgyan-pa-la dar-dkar-gyi-prc.g-shu-dan-rgyan-sna- tshogs-
kyis-brgyan-pa bshugs-pa gri-mtshon dan mda’-mduh-thams-
cad-kyi-rtse-mo gnam-du bstan-pa’i dmag-lha-brgyas-bskor
ba mi-ghis-kyis glaii-po-c he’i-sna-nas lcags-kyus-drahs-pa’i-
phyi-na tshur-’oh-shih ’byon-no // rgyal-pc s Chos-rje-ba-lha-
po rgyah-nas gzigs-pa-dahde-ma-thag-tu rgyal-po- ft id-ky is dar-
gyi-shwa de phud-kyi-phud-pas Chos-rje’i-thugs-la rgyal-po ci
jndzad dam sftam-pa-byun gsun / de-nas rje’i-drun-du sleb- 1
pa-dan lcags-kyu des sna-rtsa-nas bzun-te 2 mi bias rgyal-po glan-
po-che’i-steh[i3b]-nas logs-la ’breft-thag-gi-skas-la-Sod-du phab-
te 3 rgyal-pos Chos-rje-ba-dan-lna-pa-la phyag-’tshal-shin Ra-hu-
la 4 he bandha-na 5 kye Jo-bo-la phyag-’tshal-loshes-par rGya-gar-
gyi-rgyal-po-chen-po de- 5 dra-ba yah rab-tu-’byun-ba-la phyag-
’tshal-te Bod ba-laft 6 yin-pas de-’dra mi-Ses gsun-no // Badzra-
a-sa-na rDo-rje-gdan de-na ho-mtshar che-ba du-ma yod-la
rten khyad-du-’phags-pa du-ma bshugs-te Bodhi-briksa 7 Byan-
chub-kyi-sin Ma-ha-bodhi Byan-chub chen-po* i-sku / Chos-rgyal
Mya-nan-med-kyis-bshens-pa’i-gandho-li 8 / De-bshin-gsegs-
pa’i-tshems-mche-ba gcig / Bod-’Phrul-snan-gi Sakya-mu-
ne’i bshugs-khri-rdo-ba-la bCom-ldan-’das-kyi-shabs-rjes-
1 . Read : slebs-.
2. Read: ste*
3. Read: ste.
4. Ra-hu-la.
5. Read: vandana.
6. Read: glafi.
* 7, -vfkfa.
8. Read: gandhola.
14
LIFE OF DHARMASVAMIN
[Ch.
gnis / 5 Phags-pa kLu-sgrub-kyis-mdzad-pa’i-rdo J i-dra-xnig /
Ta-ra-bi-ha-ra sGrol-ma’i-lha-khan-ho / yah kLu’i-
rgyal-pos dro-dun gtoh-ba yod-de nam-shod-dus-su iii-ma’i-
grib-tshad-jmi-gsal-ba’i-tshe rDo-rje-gdan-gyi-sar-phyogs-na tsha-
tsha’ i-khah-bu ’dra-ba’ i-logs-la bug-pa-mgo-son-ba-tsam-cig-
yod-pa der rna-ba-gtad- pas dro-ran-na duh-skad lta-bu [14a].
’ur-’ur-ba ’oh gsun / Bodhi-briksa Byan-chub-kyi-4ih shes-
pa de-la sku- rgyab-rten 1 2 -nas rtsa-ku-sa-la gdan mdzad-de
Thub-pa-chen-po sans-rgyas-pa’o // sKal-pa-bzan-po ’di-la
Sahs-rgyas ston-’byun-ba thams-cad £ih-druh der sahs-rgyas-
pa’i-gnas-so // rDo-rje-gdan-gyi-gan-dho-li a Bod-skad-du dri’i-
gtsan-khaii shes sam dbu-rtse shes-pa’o / de-ni Chos-rgyal
Mya-han-med-kyis-bshehs-pa’phah-du khru sum-cu-so-lha yod-
pas mthon-po de hin-lam-gnis-kyi-sa-nas bltas kyan mhon-tsajn
yod / pa-lcag 3 cig dkar ldem-me btsugs-pa kho-na ’dra-ba-
tsajn mthoh gsuh-ho // ri-med-pas ni-jna-sar-lugs kyan sa’i-
sten-duphub btsugs-pa klio-na ’dra-ba sar ’oh gsuh-ho // Gan-
dho-li 4 5 sgo^ar-dublta-ba mdun-du’khyams-khrag-pa-gsum-dan-
ldan-pa rgyab-na Byah-chub-sin-sdoh-po-ghis-kyis brten-pa§ih de
’i-og-na rdo-rje-rgya-graxn-gyi-sa-gshir rgyar dpag-tshad-phyed-
pa yod-pas rDo-rje-gdan-no / rgya-gram de’i lte-ba-la Byan-chub-
kyi-$in de skyes-la / gin de’i sdon-po-gnis-po-la shabs-thog-tu
Chos-[i4b]rgyalMya-han-med-kyi £ar-dbu-rtse-lagtad-pa / lho-
nub-byah-dah-gsum-po so-phag-gis brtsigs-pas-bskor-ba’i-xnkhar-
’dra-ba’ i-nah-na yar-rtse-mo’i-lo-ma sho-lheb-se-ba 5 sgo gcig
phye-bas sin de’i rxnans-na rdo-rje’i-khrigs-byas-pa’i-skyon-ma
chen-mo gshon-pa-’dra-ba-gcig-gi-nan-nas £ih gnis skyes-pa
’dra-ba der dad-pa-can-gyi-mis sho dan ’c-ma-la tsan-dan dan
ga-bur-la-sogs-pa dri-bzah btab-nas bum-par blug 6 -te thag-
rih-po-nas kyah khur-te der blugs-nas / Byan-chub-kyi-£ih
de-la mchod-par-byed-cih rlan-dah-ma-bral-bar-byed-de gan-
1. Read: brten.
2. Read: Gandhola.
3. Read: lcog-cog.
4. Read; Gandhola.
5. Read: lhabs-se-ba. v
o. Read: blugs.
TIBETAN TEXT
15
V]
dho li’i 1 — nari-na Ma-ha-bo dhi Byan-chub-chen-po’i-sku de
che-chun shal-Ia khru do yod / dc-’dra-ba’i-sku de Ita-
bas chog-mi-ses-pa de-nas gshan-du ’gro-snixi-mi-’dod-pa / rin
kyan der lus-’gro-ba ji-ltar dad-pa cliun yai'i sku dc’i-indun-
du mos-gus mi-skyes-jJa’am ’chi-ma mi-’tsher-mi-srid gsuii /
£in-tu byin-rlabs che de-ni sprul-pa’i-sku’o // sprul-sku-la
gstutn / ri s-su-bris-pa-la-sogs-pa bzo’i-sprul-sku dan / bya dan
£a-ram-bha 2 -la-sogs-pa skye-ba’i [15aJ sprul-pa dan / mdzad-
pa bcu-gnis-su ston-pa lta-bu mchog-gi sprul-pa-ste mDo-sde-
rgyan-las bzo dan skyc dan byari-chub-che / shes-so rari-byon
yari bzo’i-sprul-pa’o// de-ni Sans-rgyas yons-su-mya-rian-
las-’das-nas lo brgyad-bcu-na bram-ze’i-khye’u bcuri-pas
bshehs-so shes-pa’o // de-yan bram-ze 5 i-khye’u spun-gsujn
byis-pa tse 3 -mo-byed-pa-la churi-sos de riu-shiri nria’i-drnn-du
’oris-tsa-na mchi-ma tsa-re-byas-siri byuri-bas ma des bris 4 -pa-
na bcuri na-re che-ba-gnis jnu-stegs-pa-la m os -pas jnu-stegs-
kyi-lha-khari bycd / na nan-pa-la mos-pas nan-pa 5 i-lha-khan
byed-pa-la khori-gnis-kyis nari-pa-saris-rgyas-pa-la jni-bzah
phyi-pa bzan-ba yin zer-shiri ria-la gnod-pa-re-byas-byun-ba-
yin zer / ma na-re spun-gsum ma-’chajn-mi-dgos byan-phyogs
ri-bo Gans-can-gyi-’graxn-na mu-stegs-kyi-lha-dbari-phyug-
chen-po diios yod-pas de-la phy-nari-gnis-kyi- fi mtha 5 gari bzari
dris-dah zer / spun-gsum na-re dcr mi-sleb zer ma na-re
na-ia rkan-mgyogs-kyi-rtsi yod sbyin zer-nas rkan-pa-la rtsi
byugs-nas [15b] bu-gsum btan dan / lam-nalshur nan-pa 5 i ban-
dheman-po byon- pa-la gar byon dris-pa-la / dBari-phyug-
chen-po’i snen-bskur 6 -la-phyin-pa-yin zer / pho-bo-gfiis-kyi-
rtogs-pa-la’o nan-pa bzari-ba-yinnam snam-ste the-tshom zo s/
churi-$os-kyi-rtogs-pa-la nan-pa bzari-ba-yin ’dug snajm-nas sems-
dga’/ de-nas dBan-phyug-chen-po-la dris-pas ria-la ’jig-rten-gyi
dban-phyug brgyad yod-pas tshe-’di-la ci dgos-pa na-rari-la yod/
tshe-phyi-ma bya-’on zer-tsa-na phan-pa’i thabs nas mi-Ses-pas
1. Read: la’i.
2. iarabha.
3. Read: rtsed-.
# 4. Read : dris-.
f 5. Insert : grub-.
6. Read : bsfien-bkur.
16
LIFE OF DHARMASVAMIN
[Ch.
nan-pa* i-ban-dhe-la bsncn-bskur^bya-ba-y in zer / der nan-pa* i-
grub-mtha’ bzan-bar spun-gsum-kas ses-nas ma’i-gam-du phyin-
pa-na ma na-re nan-pa bzan-ba sriar-nas ses-te phu-bo-gnis mi-
nan-pas ’drir-btah-ba-yin zer der nan-pa* i-dgon-du shugs-te/
rten re-re yari bshens-pa-la che-sos-kyisrGyal-po’i-khab-tugtsug-
lag-khan bshchs-te ’Od-nia’i tshal-gyi-glsug-lag-khan bsheiis-
so II ’brin-pos de’i [i6aj nub-phyogs Ba-ra-na-ser bshens-te
chos-kyi-’khor-lo-bskor-ba*i gtsug-lag-khan shes-so // chun-sos
snam-na pa-sul dga’-sos ma-thob / phu-bo-gnis dban-che ha
chun-scs-su skyes-pas lan-snam-pa-la ma na-re khyod mi-dga’-ba
mi-dgos pa-sul-de-ghis-pas khyad-du-’phags-pa Byan-chub-kyi-
sin-drun yin-pas khyod- kyis thob-par-\od ces / de’i-druh-du
shal sar-du-phyogs-pa-cig gyis zer/ der bcuii-gi-bsam-pa-la lha-
bzo-ni su-la ’tshol sku*i-rgyu-ni gah-la bya sham-pa-la rmi-lam-
du lun-bstan byuh-ba / rgyu-ni gser-la-sogs-pa rin-po-che cha
gcig / ga-bur-la-sogs-pa dri-bzan cha gcig/ tsan-dan-gyi-lde-
gu cha gcig dan / cha gsum-po dc gan-dho-li*i 1 2 -nan-du sogs-
la-shog / de-la tsan-dan go-srirsa 3 chu-bo Ne-ran-dza-na’-i 4 -
’gram-na yod-pas bye-ma’i-khuri-nas tshol-cig shag bdun bar-
du mi su’an ma-btan-na sku-byun-du-’byuh lha-bzo mi-dgos
zer-ro// de-la tsan-dan bye-ma’i-’og-na yod zer-bas btsal kyan
ma-rned-pas sdug-bshal-ba-la / ma na-re glah-po-che-nal-[16b]
ba’i-sul-du *on-ba-yin de has slob-pa rjed-pa-yin/ glan-po-che
tshad-pas-gduh-tsa-na dri-tshor-nas de*i-sten-du kho hal-ba-yin
zer-ro// de-nas glah-po-che nal-ba’i-£ul-na s ci-tsam ’dod-pa rned
-nas shagbdun-dugcig-gis-ma-tshah-ba’i-dus-su sgo phyezer-ba-
cig byun-ba-la shag gcig- ma-tshan sgo mi-’byed-byas-pa 5 ma
der-’dug-pa na-re da-lta Sans-rgyas kyi-shal-mthon-ba’i-mi
ha-las med-pas sku ’dra’am-mi-’dra has-blta-dgos gshan-gyi
§an-mi-phyed-do// has lo ni-gu-lon-pa-na Yan-dag-par-rdzogs-
pa’i-sans-rgyas-la dge-bsnen-ma’i-sdom-pa blans-pa-yiri has lo
1. Read: bkur.
2. Read: la'i.
3. go$ir?a.
4. Nairanjana.
5. Read: :-pa-la.
TIBETAN TEXT
V]
i?
ne’i-gdan-kkri Mug de’i-steri-du ci-yan mi-’jeg-te 1 dad-par-
bycd mdun-du mar-me re ma-chag-pai *bul Bod-na £akya-mu-ne
bsbugs-pa de’i-shal-mthcn-ba-tsam-gyis rian-eor.-dii mi-’gro
shes Lho-Bal-na grags-pa-yin gsuri-no / / van rDorje-gdan-na
De-bshin-gsegs-oa Sakya-Vhuh-paM-tshems-mche-ba grig gser-
gyi-ga’u-’i-nari-bdiugs-pa du£-bzan-po-]a khyams-kyi-steh-na
spyan-drans-nas rdo-leb chcn-po padma-Man-can-shig-gi-stcri-
du ]i8a] bshugs-nas dkar-gsum dan sbran-rtsi dan ka-ra’i-chus
sku-khrus-gsol-nas rdo-de’i-’og-na chu yod-pa-Jas khrus-chu
'bab-pa-rnams khyams-kyi-Mg-tu zaris mari-po bzed-nas khrus-
chab dan bza’-ba gnis-ka Mn-bar-byed-do s / tshcms de ’chan-bar
bcans-na yar-mar gnis-kar lhag-gc-yori-ba-yed gsuri-rio / /
rDo-rje-gdan-na Thub-pa-chen-po’i shabs-rjcs bshugs-pa-ni
snon yan-dag-par-rdzogs-pa’i-Saris-rgyas-ky ; s ma-’ori-pa’i-dus-
su scms-can-dbaii-po rnon-pas gsuri-rab mthon-bas kyari scs-te
dban-portul-po-rnams Saris-rgyas ’jig-iten-du byon-nam ma-
byon snam-nas thc-tshom-za-bar ’oh-bas the-tshom-bcad-pa’i
phyir-du rdo-la shabs-gtiis-kyi-rjes bshag-nas rdo-ba dc da-Ita’an
’dug-ste ’khyams-kyi-sar-sgo’i-phyi-na mar-mc’i mchod-sdori-
yod-pa’i-tshu-rol-na nari-gi-sgo-druri-na rdo-leb gru-bshi-pa
iogs-re-la rgvar khru-gsum-pa ’phari-du mthe-gari dan / Chos-
rje lo-tsa-ba’i-phyag-so 1 * lria yod-pa shabs-rjes-kyi 18b rjya-la riri-
thun mtho-bshi dan zab.»-su sor-bshi khuii-mor yod-pa rdo do
6in-tu-mkhregs-pa dkar-po hrum-hrum yod-pa-la / de-lta- bu’i
shabs-gfiis-kyi-rjes bshag-nas byan-chub-kyi-siri drun-du stori-
pa-nid bsgoms-pas saris-rgyas-pa’o / / shabs-rjcs dc-la srion
mchod-khan brtsig zer-ba-la pandita mkhas-pa-dag na-re Mi
ma’ons-pa’i-dus-kyi-sems-can dbari-po brtul-pos mthori-bar-
bya-ba dgons-pa-yin-pas mchod-khan byas-na sgo yoh de-la
dkon-gner ’ons / des rrian-pa zcr *ori mis kyari mthon-ba nari-du
’gro zer-bas ma-brtsigs-pa’o / / de-la slob-dpon Ha-ya-ghosa a
rTa-dbyans-kyis mdzad-pa rdo’i-ka-ba gh is-kyis btegs-pa’i
rdo’i-rta-babs thog-gi rgya-la khru-do-tsam yod-pa’phred-char
byun-na khrus-chab-tu ’gro-ba shabs-rjes-la sman-gyi-dris
Read ; stc.
g. Hayagho^ha ; A^vaghosha.
i8
life of dhamasvamin
[gh
byugs-pa-la mgo reg-cin-byin-brlabs-shus-pa’i sul yod-pa-’dug
gsun / shabs-rjes de’i-phyi-rol-lcags-ris-kyi-nan £ar-sgo’i thad-
dran-na mar-mc’i-mchod-sdori yod-do / / rdo’i-ka-ba sdon-po
[19a] Tta-bu - shig-gi-steri-du rdo-leb sgo-’dra-ba che-ba-cig
bshag steii-du de-bas chun-tsam daii / yah de-bas chun-tsam
bshag-pas bah-rims-'dra-na-rnams-kyi-steh-rnams-su mar-me’i-
phren-ba bkod / dc’i spyi-bor mar-me chen-po cig yod-pa dc
nin-mtshan rgyun-par ’bar-ba rlun-cher byun-kyan mi-’chi-bar
lhab-lhab- 1 zcr-ba’i-skad ’on-ba de shabs-rjes dan / khyams dan /
byuh-ba 2 chen-po’ah sar-sgo dran-por yod-pas mthoh-ba-la
mchod-pa’o / / de’i phyi-na lcags-ris gru-bshi-pa’i-phyogs- re-
la mda’-rgyans gari-gan yod-pa de-la sar-nub-byah-gsum-na
sgo-gsiim yod / dPun-bzan-gis shus-pa’i-rgyud’-las sar-ram-
byan-nam mib-tu sgo gtad-cin lho-phyogs-su-ni nam-yan sgo mi-
gtod ces gsuh-pas rDo-rje-gdan-na sgo lhor bstan-pa cig-kyan
med-la Bod-kyi-gtsug-lag-khah-chen-po-rhih-pa-rnams-la’ah sgo
lhor bstan-pa med-do / / sgo-mo-che-gsum-po de’i-nan-du
dkon-gher-rnams-las gshan nal [ igbj-du-med / dkon-gher Sin-
gha-glih-pa’i Nes-sdo-pa 4 sum-brgya yod-degshan-la bya-dban
med dbus-kyi byan-sgo’i-sdoh-na 5 gtsug-lag-khan gcig yod /
de-na spyir g:sug-lag-khan bcu-gnis yod-do re-re-na rab-tu-
byun-ba bcu-bcu-tsam / drug-bdun-tsam / bcolna-tsam yod /
grwa-khah-rnams phyi ; i-dbyibs mchod-rten-la nan khan-par
yod-pa kha-dog dkar-po tham-pa-nam-pa yod gsun / man-
ponman-po yod gsun dakar-rtsi-rnamsna’i-lkogs-pa-dan-’dra-ba-
cigchu-nan-nas blans-nas by ugs-pas char-pa byun-tsa-na mchod-
rten-rnarns dkar-du ’gro Char-pas phyi-mi-’gro gsun rDo-rje-
gdan-gyi-mtha’-ma-rnams nags 5 thug-pos bskor-ba’o / / rDo-
rje-gdan-dGe-’dun-gyi-gtsug-lag-khan shes-bya-bar bla-ma
Chos-rjes brGyad-ston-pa’-i-rgya-dpe gag khur-nas byon-pas
dkon-gner Nan-thos shig na-re chos ci yin zer / Chos-rjes
Prajna-pa 6 -ra-mi-ta 7 ho Scs-rab-kyi-pha-rol-tu-phy in-pa yin
1. Read : lhuh.
2. Read : By arl-chub-.
3. Read gsufts.
4. Read : Nan-thos-pa.
5>. Read : gdoft.
6. Read : pi.
7 . R ead : li ,
V]
TIBETAN TEXT
19
gsuri^pas dc na-re khyod dge-slori lcgs-po cig ’dug-pa-la
theg-pa-chen-po’i-chos rgyab-tu khur-ba-dc ma-legsde bor-la
[20a] chu-la-gyur-cig zer-nas sna-’gcbs-su-byuh theg-pa-
chen-po-bya-ba Sanf-rgyas-kyis ma-gsuii kLu-grub zcr-ba'i
dban-po-rno-ba-cig-gis bcos-pa-yin zer / yari Kha-sarpa-m’am /
/ sGrol-ma’am / de-’dra’i-sku-la phyag-mdz ad-pas / khyod
dge-slon legs-pa shig ’dug-pa-la / khyim-pa-Ja phyag-byed-pa
ma-legs-so zer / kho-rari de-kun-gyis phyag-’tshal-ba’i phyag-
len-pa Jtar byed-cih thal-rno ya-cig dch-nc-byas-na a-roksa-ho
nad-med-par-gyur-cig zer lan-gcig bskor-ba-mdzad-pa-la su
yin zer / Bho-ta ho Bod yin gsun-bas ’khor-rnams yid-ma-
ches-te Ghos-rjes tshems legs-pa dan sarh-kii-ta’iskad-la byan-pa
des rGya-gar-ba rah yin-nam sham-’dug khon-rnains na-re
brdzun 2 -ma cig ’dug Bod min zer-ba-la dkon-gfier-gcig-gis
shabs-kyi-sen-mo kyon-ne-ba gcer-ba mthon-bas Bod-du ’dug
lham-gon-pa’i-rtags-la de sadesaltos-dan ltos-dan zer-bas brdzun 3
min-par-go / der khoh-rnams na-rc saiii-kri-ta’i-skad ’di-
tsam byan-ba Bod-la ’oii-ba ci yin zer /has bslabs-pa-yin byas
gsun-nas-bshad / rDo-rje-gdan-du dbyar-tshul-’jugzla-ba gsum
byed -pa de’i-dus-su dge-’dun skad-rigi-mi-cig-pa-cig lo-tsa-ba
bcug-nas lab-pas dgos-pa kliri-tsho mah-po tshogs-nas ishul-
thon-pa dan ran-rah-gi y.J-phogs-su ’gycs-par-’dug gsuhs-so / /
rDo-rje-gdan-na Tara 4 sGrol-ma’i-lha-khah shcs-pa yod de-na
)ha-mo rdo’i-rah-byon daii-po shal-phyir-gzigs-pa shig yod-pas
dkon-gner sham-nas mchod-pa nah-du 'bul-ba-la shal-phyir-
gzigs-pa ’di ma-legs snam-pa-la ’o-na ya gsun-nas shal nah-du
log-gis-bsgyur-basshal-’gyur-Ta-ra fi shesgrags-tcda-lta’an rdo’ i-
sku de ’jin-pa log-ge-bfhugs-so / / Iha-khan der Jo-bo-rjes
byon-pas sgo dbye-ma-dgos-par rah phye-nas byon-pas shal-’gyur
Ta-ra ’ 6 i-shal-nas rgyu sems-can-gyi-sa-nas ’bras-bu Sahs-rgyas-
[21a] kyi-sar ’gro-bar-’dod-na byan-chub-kyi-sems sbyons-
I .
Read
gsiriis.
a.
Read
rdzun.
Read
rdzun.
Read
r&.
5-
Read
r&.
Read
r£.
20
LIFE OF DHARMASVAM1N
[CH.
gsig -gsun 2 -pa-yin-skad gsuns / yah shon f 3 an-thos-kyi-ston-pa
cig chus 20 khyer-nas ’chi-bar thag-chod-nas theg-pa-chen-po-la
sGrol-ma shes-pa chu’i- : jigs-pa~-las-sgrol-ba yod zcr sham-nas
Arya Ta-ra* shes btud-cin-bos-pas chu-klun de’i-dkyil-du
sGrol-ma byon-nas khyod skyid-cin-rg} ags-tsa-na na mi-dran
sdug-cih-phohs-tsa-na sGrol-ma sGrol-ma zer-bar-’dug ’di-na
phar-la-son gsun-nas phyag-g) as-pas lam-bstan chu dc sked-par
chad-nas mi de thar / des phyi mig-bltas-pas lha-mo de chu-
klun-gi-nan-na phyag-rgya den-nc-’dug-pa zla-bo-mah-po-la
bstan-pas rdo’i-skur gyur-nas-’dug-pa dc spyan-drahs-nas da-lta
Ta-ra 3 4 sGrol-ma’i-lha-khan-na bshugg-te chu-klun sGioI-ma
shes grags-so / / yah hu-lu-ta shes bshad-pa’i-sGrol-ma shes-pa
snon yan-dag-par-rdzogs-pa’i-Sahs-reyas sans-rgy a-ba-la bdud-
kyi-bar-chad-brt sams-pas sGrol-nias bdud-la khrel-rgad r> -mdzad-
cih-bshad-pas shal-la phyag-gyas-pa-bkab-pa’i-sku-ran-byon ) ah
bshugs-so //yah snon mi gdon-gyis-ghen-pa shig sGrol-ma’i-sgoin-
bzlas-byas-pas mdun-du sGrol-ma byon-te ha-lia-ha-ha gsurs-ma-
thag-tu nad-kun shi / sha-ma-bshin sGrol-ma’i-rdo’i-skur-gyur-
nas bshugs-te ha-ha Ta-ra 6 shes grags-so f / bla-ma Chos-rje
Chag-lo-tsa-ba’i rDo-rjc-gdan-gzigs-pa’i-le’u-ste-lna-pa’o / /
Chapter VI
rDo-rje-gdan-gyi-gan-dho-li : de-ni snon bram-ze’i-khe’u cun-gis
bshens-pa de’i-rin Sahs-rgyas yohs-su-mya-nan-las-’das-nas lo
brgya-brgyad-cu-tsam lon-pa-na chos-rgyal Mya-nan-med-ky is
brtsigs sna-manan du bcug-nas shen cher-btan-nas bshens-pa-ste
phyimchod-rten-gyi-dbyibs-la nan gtsug-lag-khan-gi-rnam-pa-can-
no/ra-dza dharma-a-s oka chos-rgyal Mya-han-mcd-kyis bshehs-
pa de-ni Thub-pa-chen-pos 1 u n-bs tan-pa 5 i-rgyal-po ste de-yah
$honsTon-pam 5 ian-yod-du bsod-shoms-lag£egs-pa-na bud-med-
£22a] shig-gis ’bras-thug phul / mo’i-bu-byis-pa-shig-gi byis-
sa’i gseb-na rtse-shin duz-pas mthon ste dod-nas bye-ma
snim-pa-gan thogs-nas byis-pa zla’o shig-gis sgu-stegs-byas-
pa’i-steh-du lahs-nas phul-ba-dan sTon-pas kyan lhun-bzed
3. Read : r&. V
(>. Read : r£.
1. Fead :
4. Read : r&.
7. Read : la.
2. Read : gs u iis,
5. Read : rgoch
VI]
TIBETAN TEXT
21
smad-nas bshes-so / / mas bu-la de-Jtar ma-byed ces rgol-bas
sTon-pas bu ’di-la ma-rgol-cig J di-la dah-ba’i-dad-pa yod-pas
bsod-nams chen-po thob-par-’gyur-ro / / shes gsuhs-nas bye-ma-
rnams Kun-dga’-bo-Ja gtad-de bgran-du-bcug-pas grans bye-ba
cig’-byun-ba dan / Kun-dga’-bo na mya-han-las-’das-nas lo
brgya-lon-pa-nas groh-khyer Me-tog-can shes-bya-bar rgyal-po
Mya-han-med ces-bya-bar gyur-nas mchod-rten De-bshin-
gsegs-pa’-i-rin-sreP-gy i-shih-po-can bye-ba-phrag cig nub-
cig-la bshehs-par-’gyur-ro / / sgu-stegs-by ed-pa’i-byis-pa ’di-ni
gnod-sbyin Sih-rta shes-bya-bar gyur-nas mchod-rten bshcns-
pa’i grogs-byed-par-’gyur-ro shes luh-bstan-no // de-nas byc-
[22b] ma-’bul-ba’i-byis-pa de lhar-skyes-nas na yohs-su-mya-
nan-las-’das-nas lo brgya-na rgyal-po Mya-han med-du skyes -te
khrims gsar-pa bcos-nas la-la bde-ba-la bkod-de lha-dah-’dra /
la-la dmag-’dren-cin-’thab-rtsod-bycd-pas lha-min-dah-’dra /
la-la chad-pa-bcad-pas dmyal-ba-da h-’dra-shin rigs-drug-gi-
spyod-pa tshah-bar-yod-pa’i-skabs-su gScr-gliri-gi-dge-tshul gcig
rgyal-po’i-yul-khams-su 5 ohs-pa-na des rgyal-po’i-btsun-mo
khrus-byed-pa’i-rgyan-bya-rog-gis-khyer-ba-shig rned-nas de
khrom-du khyer-te ’di su’i yin dris-pas khyod-kyis rkus-zer-te
chad-pa phog-nas rgyal-po na-re shar dge-tshul ’di-’dra-ba
gsod-ma-myor’i ’di mar-khu khol-bar-tshos-la-bsod-cig zer /
blon-po-rnams-kyis shag gsum btsos kyah ma-si-bar zil-ba khrom-
me ’dug-pas rgy al-pos khyod su yin dris-pa-la ha’i mkhan-po
dGra-bcoin-pa shig yod / has ky ah rgy uri-du-shugs-pa thob-pas
mes mi-tshugs-pa yin [ 23a ] byas-pas rgyal-po dad-pa-skyes-tc
chosshu zer-bas chos b6ad-pas rgyal-po na-re chad-pa-bcad-pas
sdig’on-na bsags-pa-by ed-pa’i-thabs shu zer-ba-la dge-lshul-gyis
nan thabsmi-£es ha’i mkhan-po-lashu-dgos zer-te dGra-bcorn-pa
spyan-drahs-nasshus-pas rgyal-po khyod-kyis nub-cig-la mchod-
rten bshin-g£egs-pa’i-rih-srel 2 -gy i-snin-po-can bye-ba bshens-£ig
dan sdig-pa dag-par- ’gyur-ro shes gsun : -pas rgyal-po na-re has de-
tsam mi-zin rin-srel 4 yah mi-rhed zer / dGra-bcom-pa na-re
ip. Bead : bsrel.
£ . Read : bsrel .
Read : gsuris.
• 4. Read : brels.
22
LIFE OP DHAMASVAMIN
[CH.
khyod Sahs-rgyas-kyis-luh-bstan-pa-yin-pas gnod-sbyin bsgrubs-
nabshens-nus-la rin-srel 1 yah rgyal-po Ma-skyes-dgra’i-skal-ba
Ma-ga-dha’i-bre drug gser-gyi-bum-par bcug-nas rGyal-po’i-
khab-kyi- ’Od- 2 3 4 * ma’i-tshal-na sbas-yod-pas de bton-pas-chog
gsuns-so / / de-nas rgyal-pos rin-srel* ’don-du-phy in-pas
mtshon-cha’i-’khor-los-bsruns-nas len-ma-nus-te ’khor-lo de /
chus-bskor-bar-ses-nas chu de gan-nas ’on dris-pas gshan its/
pa-ma-byuh-ba-la rgan-mo shig na-re lho-nub-kyi-ri ya-gi-nas
chu ’oii-ba-yin zer / ri de rGyal-po’i-khab-kyi-lho-phyogs-na
£or-nub-tu nar-mor ’phra-la rin-ba yod de’i byan-log-na mat
’Od-hna’i-tshal srio-thib-se-ba yod ri de’i mgo rGyal-po’ li-khab
kyi Iho-nub-na yod-Das der rkos-pa-dan rdo : i-sgrom-nas chu
gro-ba gcig ’dug-pa de bcad-te mts hon-cha- ! khor thag-bcad-nas
bltas-pas sgrom-chuh-shig-gi-sten-na yi-ge ’dug-pa-la ma-’ohs-
pa’i-dus-su rgyal-po dbul-po dbul-po shig-gis rhed-par-’gyur-ro
bya-ba ’dug-pas rgyal-po khros-te ha dbul-po min ’di rhed-pa de
gshan shig yin- ’on zer-te lia-rgyal skyes-pa-na dGra-bcom-pa ! i-
shal-nas ha-rgy al m a-mdz ad-par gus-par-lon-cig gsuhs-p as han-te
bltas-pas sgrom-chuh de’i-nan-nas gser-gj i-bum-pa rih-srel 6
bshugspa’i zur-bshi-na nor-bu rin-po-che ’od-’bar-ba bshi ’dug-
pas de re-re’-i-rin yah rgyal-po : i-rgyal-srid-gyis ma-kh) er-bar-
’dug-pas rgyal-pos randbul-por ses-te shon [ 24a ] rgyal-po lons-
spyod-can byun-’dug snam-nas ha-rgyal chag-go de-nas dGra-
bcom-pa de’i gsuh-bshin nan-te gnod-sbyin bsgrubs-pas gnod-
sbyin chen-po Sin-rta shes-pa dkar-po-la-dga’-ba de grub-nas
bka’-bsgos-pa-tsam-gyis las bsgrub-pa shig byuh-ba sde’i rdzu-*
phrul-gyis thog-mar rDo-rje-gdan-gyi-gan-dho-li 6 d ah / rDo-rje-
gdan-gyi £ar chu-bo Na-randza-na’i-’gram-du Bha-ga-ra- 7 hu-la
Jo-bo-chof-kyi-’byun-gnas shes-pa’i mchod-rten chen-po nub-
gcig-la bshehs de’i-nan-na rin-srel 8 phul phyed-dan-do bshugs-so //
de’i nub phyi-ma nam-phyed-la gnod-sbyin des ’Dzam-bu’i-
1. Read bsrel.
2. Read ’O-.
3. Read bsrel.
4. Read ’O-.
£. Read bsrel.
6. Read la.
?• Read r&.
8. Read birel.
Tl&ETAN TEXT
23
[VII
glin-gi-sa’i-cha kun-tu riri-srel 1 bshugs-pa’i rnchod-rten de’i
srog-6in-can bye-ba gcig-char-du bshens-nas gnod-sbyin - gyis
bka’-bshin mchod-rten-rnams grub-yod-pa gzigs-sig ces zer-te /
rgyal-po mthus khur-nas mchod-rten-yod-pa-rnams-su skad-cig-
gis phyin-nas gser-dhul-g^i-mchod-pa dan rgyan phul-te dge-
ba’i-rtsa-ba ’dis bla-na-med-pa’i-sans-rgyas thob-par-gy ur-cig
[24b] ccs smon-lam btab-bo // lo brgyad-cu-rtsa-bdun-
gyi-bar-du mchod-rten-rnams mchod-par-byas-ste spyir dguh-lo
brgya dan Jria-bcu bshugs-nas ’das-te lhar-skycs-so / / stobs-kyis
’khor-lo-bsgyur-ba chos-kyi-rgy al-po ! di’i luh-bstan ’Jzm-dpal-
rtsa-ba’i-rgyud-nas rgyas-par-gsun-te 2 man-bas ma-bris-so / /
rgyal-po La-gtam bya-ba rin-po-che’i-phrex-ba’i-le’u-gsum-pa’i-
skabs dan nag-gi-dbah-phy ug grags-pa’i ’chi-ba bslu-bar ciios-
rgyal Mya-rian-med bshin-no / / shes - pa’i-skabs-su lo-rgyus
’di gsunfi-so chos-rgyal Mya-nan-med-pa’i-le’u-ste-drug-pa’o //
Chapter VII
rDo-rje-gdan-nas sar-du dpag-tshad gcig-tsam-na Ne-rahdza-na 3
dGa’-skyes ces de lho-nub-mtshams-nas byan-6ar-du babs-pa /
dbyar ko-ba’i-gru dgos dgun gru med kyan thar-tsam-yod chu-bo-
de’i-’gram meda’-rgyan-do-tsam-nashon bCom-ldan-’das sa-khul
de-ran-du dka’-thub-mdzad-pa’i-dus-kyi sku-rid-pa’i tshul
[ 25a] rdo-las-byas-pa shan-du byis-pa gnis-kyis sin-bu brtsugs-te
’di £i-ba-yin-nam zer bit a-ba’i-dus-ky i-ishul / by is-pa gfiis ky ah
rdo-las-byas-pa byin-rlabs-can cig bshugs-so / / Ma-ga-dha’i
brag cig-gi-Sod-na / mdo-sde sKy e-rabs-nas gsuns-pa’i snon
thub-pa chen-po by an-chub-sems-dpa’i rgyal-bu ma-ha-satwa 4
shin-stobs-chen-po’am / sems-dpa’i-chen-po Sems-dpa’i-chen-po
shes-bya-bar sku-skye-ba-bshes-pa’i-dus stag-mo phrug-gu-sky cs
pas Itogs-drir 5 £i-Ja khad-pa-la gzigs-nas de-la rah-lus sbyin-par-
btan-ba’i-sku brag-gi-sten-nas mchod-la-khad-pa dan / mchon-
zin-pa’i-dus-su sku stag-mos Sa-za-ba’i-tshul-gyis stag-mo-
dan-bcas-pa’i rdo’i-sku bshugs / byin-rlabs-can-du grags-pas
mar— me dan mchod-pa-’bul-ba mah-du ’on-ba-cig’dug /
^ r. Read : bsrel. 2. Read : ste.
• 4. Read *. sattva. y Read : grir.
3. Nairanjan&.
*4
life of diiamasvamin
[oh.
de-la stag-mo’i-gtsug-lag-khan sixes grags-pa-yin gsuns-so / /
yul de’i sa-cig-na stion byan-chub-sems-dpa’-las bran-rtsi phul-
ba’i sku phyag-na lhun-bzcd bsnams-pa spre’u-dan-bcas-pa’i rdo’i-
sku byin-rlabs-can lha-khaii sgo-sar-du blta-ba-shig-na bshugs-
pa / de'i-sgo-druh-na khron-pa skarn-po so-phag-gi-rtsig-pas-
mtha’-skor-ba-cig kyan ’dug gsuns-so / / rDo-rje-gdan-nas
lho-phyogs-su zla-ba grig pliyin-pa’i-sa-na mu-stegs-kyi lha
So-ba l -na-tha Zla-ba-mgon-po-yod-sa shcs-pa der slob-dpon
Birwa-pa-la mu-stegs-kun na-re ned-kyi iha-laphyag-’tshol-cog
zer-ba-la phyag-’tshal-bas-ehog-ste khyed mi-dga’o gsuh-bas mi-
dga’-ba mi-* on zcr / ’o-na rgyal-po dpah-por-’jug-dgos gsuh-nas
dpan-por-bcug-nas lha-chen-po de-la mdun-la phyag-gcig btsal-
bas tshal-pa gnis-su gas-so / / yah bshogs-nas-btsal-bas tshal-pa
bshir gas-so / / der khoh na-re / phyag-ma-’tshal zer kyan
lha-gcig-la phyag-’tshal-bas lha de’ dar-sig-sig-’dug kyan gas-
su-ma-btub-nas gzigs-pas de’i spyi-bo-na nah-pa’i-lha sNan-ba
mtha’-yas cig [26a] ’dug-nas de gsal-te phyag- ? tshal-bas tshal-
par-shags / de-nas khon-rnams na-re da phyag-ma-’tshal
zer-ba-la / slob-dpon-gyis ’o-nakhyod lha-mchod-pa’i ri-phyug 2
sum-brgya surn-brgya nan-re-la gsod-pa’ di bshag-nas swa^-ba
khal sum-brgya sum-brgyas mchod-par-gyis-sig gsuns-pas
de-tsug byed-do zer-nas dus de-nas phyugs gsod-pa dc med-pa-
yin-no / / de-la phul-ba’i swo-ba’i-zan-rnams da-lta’an
’gron-po lam-du ’gro-na-rnams-la sin-tu phan-no / / swo- 4 ba
de ’bras-ma-sprugs-pa-la zer-ba-yin / ma-sp rug-pa yah lkog-ma-
phud-pa-la zcr-ba-yin gsuns-so / / lha-de-la gsol-ba-btab-na
bu nor ’dod-na bu nor ’oh lo yah Ma-ga-dha-na mu-stegs-kyi
lha de-wi 5 Ka H -li 7 Lha-mo Nag-mo shes grags-pa de rdo’i-
sku-la tsam-pa mchod-khah mdun-na khron-pa skam-po dan
rdo’i-kyor-kyor yod-pa-’dug-pa’i sgo £ar-du-blta-ba-yod gsuhs /
[26b] rdo’i-l ha-mo des snon lkug-pa-cig-Ja gtam-smras dnos-
grub byin-pas pan<Ji-tar-gyur-pa’i io-rgyus-ni phyi-rol-pa’i-
I .
Read : ma.
2 .
Read : phyugs.
3*
Read : so.
4-
Read : so.
5>
Read - wl .
6.
Read : k&.
7-
Read : ll.
VII]
TIBETAN TEXT
25
lha-la gsol-ba-btab-pas kyan tshe ’dir ’jig-rten ’di’i dnos-grub
ster-nus-te / srion rGya-gar-na rgyal-po-cig-la bu-mo sam-
kri-ta’i-sgra sin-tu nikhas-pa shig yod-pas dc yab-kyi 1 khyim-
thab-du-gton-byas-pa-la bu-mo na-re na-ran-bas sgra
mkhas-pa’i pandi-ta cig yod-na ’gro gshan-su thon-thon-la
ha mi- ’gro zer-skad / rgyal-pos sgra su mkhas dris-pas pandi-ta-
rnams-kyi-nah-nas Ba-ra-ru-tsi 2 mChog-sred mkhas shes grags-pa
dan / bu-mo khyod Ba-ra-ru-tsi-la btan-ho byas-pas bu-mo na-te
mChog-sred-pas na-ran mkhas ha mi- 5 gre zer-te ’gror-ma-btub-
po/de-nas mChog-sred thugs-log-ste bu-mo ’di-la khyo Ikugs-pa
’oh-bar-bya-dgos snam-nas lkugs-pa tshol-du-by on-pas mi-cig
£in-gi yal-ga’i steh-du shon-nas yal-ga de’i rtsa-ba gcod-par-
[127a] gzigs-te lkugs-pa-yi n-par mkhyen Sin chag-nas mi de
rba-btu-lhuii-nas byun-bas dc-la khyod rgyal-po’i-bu-mo-dan
sdeb-tu-gshug-cig gsuh-nas khrid-dc rGya-gar-na sloh-ba-Ja
snon-du Sis-pa brjod-dgos-pas 1 kugs-pa-de-la Om swasti zer-ba
bslab^-pas Ses-tsam-byun skad de-nas rgy al-po’i-pho-bran-du
khrid-nas ’di pandi-ta chen-po y in-tc ha ! i slob-dpon yin rgyal-po’-
bu-mo ’di-la ster-dgos byas-pas de-ltar yin-na ster-zer-ro / /
der sis-pa brjod-pas bred-dam stabs-nams ci-shig-ltar son-nas
Om swasti zer-ba ma-byuh-nas u-Sa-ta-ra zer-ba cig byun-bas
de-la dc-ma-thag-tu mChog-sred-kyis sgra-bSad byas-te tshigs-
su-bcad-pa-legs-pa cig mdzad-pa-ni U-ma-ya 4 sa-hi-to Ru-ta //
Si-ka-ra 6 sa-ha Bisnu-na / / tam-kha-twaii-ga Su-la-pa-ni / /
[27b] raksantu Si-ba sa-da 6 // Bod-skad-du U-ma-dan-bcas
Drag-po dan / / bDe-byed-dah-ni Khyab-’jug dan / / phyag-
na tam-ki-bswa-pa’mi- 7 gdun 6 / / Shi-bas rtag-tu bsrun-
gyur-cig / ces-pa’i-sdeb-sbyor-gyi-min-ni dByahs-can-gyi-
mgul-rgyan bya-ba yin shcs bcos-te bSad-nas pandi-ta chen-po
’di skad gsun-ba-yin byas-pas rgyal-po dan bu-mos gus-nas
Ikugs-pa de-la bu-mo byin-nas khyim-thabs-by as-so / / mChog-
Read : kyis.
Vararuchi
Read : bslabs-.
Bead : y&.
Read : Samkara*
Read : Sadd.
khatv&nga.
Read : mdufi*
26
LIFE OF DHAMASVAMIN
fCH.
sred de-nas bros-so / / der bi'-mos lkugs-pa de bor-na ni sdcbs
par-byas-pas rgyal-po’i-khrims dan 5 gal / de-la mi-dga’-nas
sdan-po-byas-so / der kho sdug-drag-pa? Lha-mo Nag-mo’i
sku de’i-druri-du phyin-nas gsol-ba ’debs-siri ha xned-par-shu
shus-pas shag gnis lon-tsam-na igyahpo’i-bu-mo de lkugs-pa
$i-na mi-legs siiam-nas g)og-mo-la go-la 1 dan bza’-ba bskur-has
btari-bas gyog-mo -rnams-kyi go-la rnur-ba’i mur-’phro kha-nas
bton-nas Ikugs-pa’i-khar bcug-te brnas-so / / de-ltar Lha-mo
snam-nas gyog-mos kyah briias-par-’dug lkugs-pa ’di-la dri os-grub
gcig ster-dgos 2 sfiam-nas g}og-mo-cig-la sku des ’gram-pa-la
thal-cags rgyab lkugs-pa-la khyod drios-grub ci ’dod gsuhs
der khos sam-kri-ta’i-sgra mkhas-par-£es-par-’dod byas-pas
de-ma-thag-tu mkhas-par-gyur-te / lag-pa gyas-su me-tog
padma’i sdori-po rtsub-mo se-ba’i-ldem-bu 3 ’dra-ba bzuri /
gyon utpa-la’i-sdon-po ’jam-po khyer-te khos sgo-druh-nas
bran-mo-la 5 phrin-bkur-te / rgyal-po’i-bu-mo-la sprh>pa /
bdag-gi-lag-pa-gyas-na padma cig / / gyon-na’an de-bshin
utpa-la me-tog / / ’jam-po’i-yu-ba’am rtsub-mo’i-yu-ba-can / /
gari ’dod smros-gig padma’i-rnig-can-ma / / shes byas-pas /
rgyal-po’i-bumo na-re / tshig-sbcad snan-riag legs / lha-
mo grub-’dug zer-te khyim-thabs-bj as-so // Lha-mo Nag-
mo grub-pas Ka-li-da-sa Nag-mo’ i-k hol-po hshes-bya-ba mklias-
pa cig byuri-ste / de’i sgra-bstan-bcos brtsams-pa-la / Ka-li-pa
byakarana 4 [28b] shes byar / bya-ka-ra-na Bod-skad-du /
luh-ston-pa’am / brda-sprod-pa’am / gsal-bar-byed-pa-dan
gsum-du ’gyur gsuns-so / / bstan-bcos de-la dus-den-sari rGya-
gar-na han-biad kyan ’ga’-re yod / de-bas Tsandra-go-mis
mdzad-pa de dar-bar-yod gsuns-so / / Na-ro-pa’i sgrub-gnas
Phu-la-ha-ri ni Na-lendra’i byan-phyogs-kyi nags-khrod-cig-na
rtsa’i-dpyil-po sgo-khyog-rims-pa-gsum-can shig-pa dan / ma-
shig-pa man-po man-po yod rtsig-pas-brtsigs-pa-med da-lta
sdod-mi’an’dug-gsuns-so / / dur-khrodchen-po*bSil-ba-tshae-
ni Na-lendra’i nub-byari-na-riags-kyi po-chen-po-shig-gi-dkyil-na
1 • goU.
2. Read : lcag.
3 . sdon-po :*
4. Vyakara$Q.
\
VIII]
TIBETAN TEXT
*7
nags-med-pa’i-stori che-bacig ’dug-go nags-khrod de-na dug-sbrul
kyah maij-ste Jus gshan khra-bor yod-pa-Ja kha-nag-pa mi’i-
brla-tsam-pa sih-khrod-du ’gyus-pas sih-gi-rtse-mo-rnams ’gul-
shin phrug-phrug-bycd-pa-yod / dom-nag mthoh-bas kyah
*j igs-pa-’dug gsuhs-so A/ bla-mas lan-cig Ihuh-bzed-du ras gril-
nas [29a] rgyab-tu khur-nas chu-skor-na thag-rih-po yod-pas
chu-cig-la brgal-bas chus khycr-ba-las chu pha-gir thar-tsam-
byun-ste mi-nag-po gcig byuh-ba-Ja chu-las sgrol-dan byas-pas
kho na-re ha rigs-nan yin zcr-te / sgrol-bar-ma-byuh rigs-han-
gyis mi-rigs-bzah-ba-la lag-pa reg-tu-mi-ruh zas-za-ba-Ia mig-
gis bltas-na zas- 5 phro ’bor-dgos /rigs-nang-yi-rtags rna-ba-la bug-
pa med / gshan-rnams rna-ba bug-pa-can ’oh / thar-thor rigs-
nan byuh-na za-ma-zar-mi-btub-pas du-ran-gatstsha 1 pha-gir
son zer gsuns / rDo-rje-gdan dan Na-Iendra mu-stegs-pa’i
Chapter VIII
rten byin-rlabs-can man-po gzigs-pa’i-le’u-stc-drug-pa’o 2 / /
spyir rGya-gar-na mu-stegs-po man / dc-bas nan-lhos
huh / de-bas Theg-chen-pa huh / Bod-kyi-theg-chen-
pa-bas kyah rGya-gar-gyi-theg-chuh-ba phan-sems che /
slon-ba byuh-na mu-stegs-kyis kyah ster-pa yul-chos- su
Mug / mu-stegs-ma-yin-pa’i-mi-kun lha-mal-pa yan dad-pa sin-tu
che-bas rab-tu-byun-ba mthoii-na / Ra-hu-la he ban-dha-
nam 3 Kyai Jo-bo-la phyag-’tshal-lo zer-nas phyag-’ (shal / rten-
nam pha-ma khah-pa’i steh-’og-na thad-ka’i-sten-du mi-’gro /
gos nur-smrig zer-ba de dmar-poda zer-ba-yin de rab-tu-byun-
ba’i-gos yin-pas lhan-pa sor-bshi-tsam-gyi-dum-bu lam-na
Mug kyah spyir byis-pas kyah lcn-no // Ma-ga-dha’i-sa-cha-Ia
grohstoh-lha-brgya-bcu-gnis yod gsuhs-so / Gri-dha-lu- -ta-
parba-ta 4 Bya-rgod-phuh-po’i-ri de-ni mthon-po med spyir
rGya-gar-na ri-med Bya-rged-phuri-po’i-ri de Bod-kyi-ri ’brih-po
tsam-pa de bor-yod-pa / rtse-mo zlum khyilMe-ba phyogs-
thams-cad nags-kyis khehs-pa / ri-sul-]a-la-nas chu s bab-pa /
la-Ja-na brag )od-pa stag dan dom dan dred dan gcan gzan
f
I. D&rath gaccha.
3 . Vandanam .
5. Read : ’khyil.
a. Read : bdun-pa’o.
4. Grudhrakuta-parvata.
LIFE OF DHARMASVAMIN
28
[ CH.
manpo-gnas der mi-phal-gyis ’gro-mi-nus-pa grub-pa- [30a]
thob-pa’i-pandi-ta dug-sbrul dan gcan -gzan-gyis mi-tshugs-pa
ga’-re-tsam bshugs-pa / dbyar-sih dan rtsa thams-cad skyes-pas
ri mdog srion-por snah-ba / dbyar-Ssih dan rtsa thams-cad
skjes-pas ri mdog snon-por snan-ba / dgun-rtsa dan ’jag-ma
gah-yart-3 od-pa-rnams rkam-pas k ha-dog skya-bor snan-ba /
bya-rabs sin-rabs bshin-du bya-dah rin sna-tshogs yod-pa’o / /
der Ghos-rje Chag lo-tsa-bas mi mari-po-la rnan-pa byin-nas
la-la mda’-gshu thogs / gcan-gzan ’bros-pa’i-thabs-la la-las rna
brdun / dun dan cha-lan dan ’bud-krol inah-po thogs / la-las
snug-phon rlon-pa-la me-sbar-nas tsag-chol chen-po ’or.-ba
khyer-nas-byon / ri de’i-steh-nasnams-dga’-la dri-sh‘m-pa shon
£ahs-rgyas-kyis chos-gsuhs-pa’i chos-khris yin rcr-ba dan gzim-
khan yin rjes ra-ri yod-pa so-phag- gi-dum-bu lag-pa-lsam-pa
dah / de-bas che-tsam-pa ca-le-co-le yod-pa ri’i-spyi-bo de-nas
nags-med-pa rtsa ’jam-po skyes-pa / de’i spyi-bo-na mchod-rten
so-phag-gis-rtsigs-pa ban-rim-gcig-pa-can logs-rc-la Mom phyed-
dan-do yod-pa / Than-po-che* ibZod-pa-brag-gi de-tsam-pa
gcig-la bum-pa de-bas che-ba gcig yod / deb’- [30b] drun-du
Bha-g a-wan-gyis 1 chos-gsuns-p a-yin -la gnas byin-rl abs-can
de-Mra-ba Mug / de-nas sa slahs-te sa de rten-gyi-shabs-bsdom-
pa-la-sogs-pa’i-nah-du bshugs-pa-yin gcan-gzan sbrul-gyis mi-
tshugs-pa 5 i sgrub-pa-po cig de-na bshugs-te lo gsum Jon zer
de-la mi-kun Mun-pa Mug gsuhs / / Ghos-rje Chag lo-tsa-bas
Bya-rgod-phun-po’i-ri gzigs-rin ri de-la byon-pa’i-le’u-ste-bdun-
pa’o 2 / /
Chapter IX
rGyal-po’i-khab ni shon mi’i-khah-pa-la mi-ma-yin-gyis
me-gton-bar-Mug-pa de-la rgyal-pos £es-te thams-cad mel-
tshe-cher-gy is-rig snon-ma su’i khah-pa-la me-<or-ba de phyis
nags-khrod-du khan-pa byed-dgos-so shes-pa’i-khrims-bcas-pa-la
r gy^"po*i-khan-par me-lor-te / nags-su rgyal-pos brtsigs-pa-la
hin-morbrtsigs-pa nub-mo lha-Mras brig-pa-las rgyal-po’i-khab
yin-no shes ya-thems-la bris-pas 5 jigs-ma-nus-te / des-na
rGyal-po’i-khab-bo / shon mi-khyim brgyad-brgya yod skad /
I* Bhagav&n .
2 • Read : brgyad-pa*o .
X]
TIBETAN TEXT
29
[31a J da-Jta drug-brgya yod-pa-la khan -pa bshi-brgya so-
phag-gis brtsigs-pa yod / rGyal-po’i-khab-kyi byari-na chu-tshan
gcigyod lho-phyogs-na ri-sar-nub-tu nar-rnor riri-ba des sa-’dam-
pa shig yod-pa de’i ’dab rGyal-po’ i-khab ri os-mar-la ’Od 1 -
ma’i-tshal-gyi nags riri-po gshan-pas sno-bar yod / ri de’i-mgo
nub-nos-na phar ri-med-pa’i-bar nag-po-la lam-cig yod-pa de-la
phy in-pas ri-chun de’i phag lho-phyogs-na Bya-rgod-phuri-po’i-
ri yod-do // Bya-rgod-phuh-po’i-ri dan rGval-po’i-khab-kyi-
bar-na dpag-tshad gsum yod gsuris-so / rGyal-po’i-khab der
pan-chen Ya-so-mitra-la chos inah-du gsan gsuns / rGyal-po’i-
khab gzigs-pa’i-le’u-ste-brgyad-pa’o 2 / /
Chapter X
Nalendra shes-pa mi’i-dban-po shon rgyal-pos bsheris-pas de skad
grags / de-ni chu-bo Ganriga’i phar-’gram-na nin-gnis-sna-
sleb-kyi-sa-na rDo-rje-gdan-nas lho-bun-tu phyin-pas gro-
sha-sleb-kyi-sa-na [31b] yod Rin-chen-’phreri-bar srion-gyi-
rgyal-pos chos-kyi-gshi / shes-pas skabs-su gsuhs-pa-Ia de-na
dbu-rtse chen-po bdun dbus-su bsgrigs-pa-yod / ghis-ma-gtogs-
pa rgyal-pos bshens gnis slob-dp on chen-po-ghis-kyis re-re
bsheris-pa / de’i-phyi-rol byan-phyogs-na mar bsgrigs-pa’i dbu-
rtse chen-po bcu-bshi / de’i-phyi-rol-na a -ri-kha 3 shes-pa’i
gtsug-lag*khan chun-ba brgyad-bcu-tsam yod / de phal-cher
rgyal-pos bshehs / la-la btsun-mos bshehs-pzi’o / / Tu-ru-khas 4
nams-drna’-bar-byas-pas shabs-tog-byed-pa dan mchod-pa-
’bul-mkhan med-pa sas-che-ste / so-pha-gis-brtsigs-pas ma-
shig-pa man-po # dug / de«na bla-ma pandita chen-po Ra 5 -
hu-la-sri 6 -bhadra dPai-sgra-gcan-’dzin-bzan-po mkhas-grub
btsun-pa’i-dge-slori dguh-lo dgu-bcu lag-pa shes-pa de bshugs /
Ma-ga-dha’iryal-po Bu-ddha-se-nas bla-ma de-la-sogs-pa’i-
pandita bshi-tsam dan bandhe bdun-bcu-tsan re’i shabs-thogs-
byed-paDza-ya-de-wa 7 / rGyal-ba’i-lha [32a] shes-bya^ba’i-
phyug-po-gcig-gis rin-po-che’i-khri b£ams-pa yod-na sa-hadi
2. Read : dgu-pa’o.
5 . Rtk.
1. Read : ’O.
4. Turujhka.
7. Jayadcva.
3. Aramika .
6. sri-.
30
LIFE OF DHARMASVAMJN
CH.
zer-ba sbrari-skyobs shes-pa-ste gnam -yol-Ia phyogs bshir yah
yol-ba btags / de’i-nah rluri-yab dan mar-me’i sbran-bu bdas-te
med-par-byas-nas phyogs-bshi’i yoJ-ba phab-te l bla-ma gzims-se //
’dzom-’dzom-mo phal-chc-ba yah de-ltar bskur-bsti 2 - by ed-dgos
gsuns-so / / gtsug-lag-khan Dha-na-ba dan / Ghu-na-ba
ces-pa gnis-su chos-gshi phcr-byed gsun / spyir gtsug-lag-khah
brgyad-cu-rtsa-bshi yod-pa-la da-lta mi-khyim brgyad-cu-
rtsa-bshi yod / rten khyad-par’-phags-pa bshi bshugs-te /
Jo-bo Kha-sarpa-ni’i rdo-sku dan / ’Jam-dpal-’jih-yon 3 dan /
Ye-Ses-mgon-po’i rdo-sku rah-byon dan / sGrol-ma-rgyan-med
ces-bya-ba bshugs-so / / Kha-sarpa-ni ni rgyal-po’i-gtsug- lag-
khan-na bshugs-te ( slob-dpon ’Phags-pa Zla-ba-grags-pa dan /
slob-dpon Tsandra-go-mi gnis sgro-glen-mdzad-pa’i-dus-su
Tsandra-go-mis [32b] lan ’phral-du ma-thcbs kyan phyis
thebs-par-’dug skad / lan-cig slob-dpon Zla-ba-grags-pas
chos-dris-pa-la Tsandra-go-mis lan-btugs-nas chab-bsil-ba ltar
mdzad spyi-blugs 6 kyar'i khyer-nas byon-pas de’i-phyir slob-dpon
Zla-ba-grags-pas gzigs-pa’i-ched-du byon-pa’i Ka-sarpa-ni’i
rdo-sku de phyag-gyas-pa mchod-sbyin-du-yod-pa de rnam-*
’gy ur-gyi-phyag-rgya mdzub-mo ke-re-mdzad-thal-’gyur-gyi- se-
gol-gtog-cin ’di skad zer-ba-yin gsuns-nas Tsandra-go-mi-la
chos-slob-kyin-’dug dc de-ltar lus-pas da-lta’an phyag-’dzub
ke-re-ba che-chun mi-tsam-pa cig ’dug / slob-dpon Zla-ba-
grags-pas he-rih-ma-mdzad-par ha-la’ah gsun-bar-shu gsun-bas
khyed skyes-ba lna-brgyar pandi-tar skyes-^in ’Jam-pa’i-dbyans-
kyis byin-gyis-brlabs-pas has bsad-mi-’tshal gSah-ha-’dus-pa
sgom gsuns-so / / de-nas gSah-ba-’dus-pa shag bdun bsgom-
pas [33a] sPyan-ras-gzigs kyan rub-phyogs-na dkar-kron-ne
’dug-pa gzigs-so / / dkar-por-gzigs shes grags kyan dmar-por
b£ad gsuns-so / / yah Manju-gho-sa-gri-ba-wanga 4 ’Jam-
dbyans-mjin-yon 5 shes-pa de slob-dpon Zla-ba-grags-pa Tsandra
go-mi-la bsus-ba-mdzad-pa-na £ih-rta-gcig-gi-sten-du sku des
bshugs-pa khrid £in-rta-gcig-gi-sten-du Tsandra-go-mi bshugs-
par-shus-pas ma-gnan-ste / ha dge-slon-gi-dge-’dun-gyi-gtsug-
1 . Read - ste .
3* Read : gyon.
2. Read kkur-sti.
4. Manjugho?ha-grha-bhafiga.
X]
TIBETAN TEXT
3 *
lag-khari-du Siri-rta’i-steri sdod-pa-mi-ruri gsuri nan-tan cher
shus-pas ’o-na rias ’Jam-dhyaris-kyi-sin-rla’i-strn-du rta Lshug-hu
bsdad-Ia ’Jarn-dbyaris-la bsil-yab gyo-ba-pa’i-tshul-du bya’o
gsun-nas de-ltar mdzad / Na-lcndra’i nub dpag-tshad-gcig-
gi-sa-nas lho-na mar .jpyan-draris-pa Tsandra-go-mis sku de
’Jam-dbyans dnos-su-gzigs-pa ini-rnarris-kyi-pha-gi-Ia ltos-dan
lyos-dah byas-pas mi-snari-ba rna-dag-ste bcrn-por ’du-
ses-nas de-ka-ltar lus-pa-yin-no da-lta’an ’jin-yon 2 -du-yod /
[33b] sih-sku yin-la mi-tsam-pa yod de-lta-na’ari rten-dag-la
Sans-rgyas drios-kyi ’du-ses skyed-dc gsol-ba-btab-na drios-su
chos-gsuns-pa-la-sogs-pa ’byun-ba-yin / / bern-po yin bcos-ma-
yin gzugs-brnan yin snam-na byin-rlabs kyan churi gsuns / de’i
ran-bshin ni Jo-bo’i-gdams-pa*las kyan rten mthon-na yah
’di-dag ni / byin-gyis-brlabs-las-byun-ba’i-phyir / / De-bshin-
gssegs-pa-iiid yin-no / / sriarn-du dad-cih gus-par-bya / shes
gsuris-so / / Ta-ra-tha 1 sGrol-rna-rgyan-med ces-bya-bar grags-
pade-ni slob-cdpon Tsandra-go-mi byan-chub-sems-dpa’ yin-pas
slon-tshad-ster-bas byin-zin-nas ci’an med-pa’i-dus-cig-tu rGy-
gar lho-phyogs-nas ’ons-pa’i glu-mkhan dan zlos-gar-mkhan
gyis zla-ba-phyed-du glu-gar-gyi-rol-mo-phul-nas nor-slori ze-
ba-la na-bza’-ras-cig-yod-pa de by in-pas ma-’dod-te ci ster-na
snam-du-dgoris-pa-na gzim-khan gtsug-lag-khan de’i sar-gyi
gyen-logs-lasGrol-ma’i-sku-bris-pa-cig [34a] yod-pa-la gsol-ba-
btab-pas de’i shal-nas ’di-tsho byin gsun-nas phyag-gyas-pa’i-sor-
gdub-pa / yon 4 -pas phud-nas gnan / dpun-rgyan phyag-gnis-
kas phud-nas gnan-bas sil-khrol-khrol diios-su-byuh-bas de-rnams
rol-mo-mkhan-la byin de-la pandi-ta-rnams-kyis de-tsam gan-nas
byun zer-Sin 5 brtags-pas sGrol-ma’i phyag-sor dan dbu-la sul
kyan skor-re-’dug-pas sGrol-ma-rgyan-med ces sGrol-ma dnos-su
grags/de-nas Na-lendra’i-lha-khan sgo-nub-tu-bJta-ba-cig-na sar-
gyi-rtsigs 6 -pa’i-nah-logs-na shabs-kyi thad-kar mgo-gtugs-gin byin-
1 . Read : gshug.
2. Read : gyoa.
3. Tarmlki (suggested by Pandit R&tida S&hkii ty&yana)
0 4* Read : gyon.
/ 5. Read : shin.
[ (b Read : rtsig.
3 *
LIFE OF DHARMASVAMIN
[CH.
rlabs-shus-pas snum kred-krc d-par soh-nas nag-pa’i-dkyil zad-pas
ther-ther-soh-ba byin-rlabs-can de da-lta rib-tsam gsal-bar-
bshugs-’dug / Ye-$es-mgon-po ni dus-cig-na Na-lendra-nas
iar-phyogs-su hin-lam-gcig-na O-tanta’i gtfug-lag-khan-na
gar-1 og-gi-dpon-gcig-gis gshis-kha-bya>nas-yod-pa des [34b]
bla-ma Ra^hu-la-sri^-bha-dra’i-yon-bdag Dza-ya-de-wa bza’-
mi gnis dban-med-du bos-nas soh-ba shag ’ga’ log-ma-byun
-de-nas ’grul-c.ig byun-nas bla-ma dpon-slob-rnams-la 3 on-dbag
bram-ze na-re / ned Gar-log- gis bla-ma’i-spyan-gnar mgo-zlum
man-po bsdod’-pa-la bshen-bskur man-du by as zer-nas bzun da
bla-ma dpon-slob-rnams kyan krohs-nes-par- ’dug-pas bros-£ig
zer-ba’i phrin byuh-bas / bla-ma-la ’o-skol-rnams g$egs-par-
shus-pas khyed-rah-rnams bros- si g ha dgu-bcu-lhag son-bas
thar yah mi-thar ’gros kyan mi-’gros gsuhs yah bram-ze ! i phrin
byun-nas bla-ma-la shus-pas sha-ma skad gsuh / phrin dc
man-po man-po byun-bas slob-ma gshan thams-cad bros /
Chos-rje lo-tsa-ba gcig-pu bla-ma chags-nas bshud ma-phod
bla-ma-la gsegs-par-shus-pas khyod Bod-kyi-mi gcig ha-la chags-
nas sdod-pa glen / [ 35a ] yul-mi slob-ma-rnams kyan ’bros-pa-
la khyod mi-’bros-pa gsod-yon gsun-nas bka’-kyon- 1 * 3 4 te mi-bshud-
na ha gsod kyan mi-’gro shus-pas mhes-nas khyod dam-tshig-can
5 or-che da ’o-na khyod kyis khur-na thrg-gam / theg-na’u-cag
gnis ’bros 5 -so gsuhs / bla-ma khur-nas ka-ba gcig-la bskor-ba-
mdzad-pas bla-ma’ i-shal-nas theg-par-’dug bu-ram rkyal-pa*
chun-ba gah dan ’bras tshom-pa gcig dan dpe gces-pa ’di-tsho
yah khyer-cig 6 thag-rin-por mi-thar-te ha-la thabs yod-kyi gsun-
nas lho-nub pha-tshad-na mgon-khah yod-sa der byon-te / bla-
ma’i-shal-nas Ye-les-kyi-mgon-po ’di ni dur-khrod bSil-ba’i
tshal-du rdo-la ran-byun-du byon-pa-la slcb-dpon ’Phags-pa
Klu-grub-kyis rhed-nas ’dir spyan-drahs-nas bshugs-su-gsol-ba-
yin / snon Gar-log-gis ’di’i rdo thams-cad khyer sku-la snum
1. R&.
a • 1 >ri .
3. Read : sdod-.
4. Read : bkyon.
5. Read : bros-.
6. Read : shig.
X]
TIBETAN TEXT
33
*byug-pa dan phyag-’tshal-ba’i-dod-por mi-gtsan-bas byugs
thal-ba gtor-phons bstan-pas mi de khoh-ran O-tanta-pu-rir
[35^] sleb-’nas pho-ba glan-thabs-kyis de nub-ran-la $i-nas san
nan-par rdo-ba ’di ma-nan-pa cig ’dug zer-te thcm-pa ’di yar-la
skyal 2 -ba-yin dus-de-nas • Tu-ru-ka 3 mu-stegs-kyis thon-kor
ne-mi-nus-pa-yin gsurs-so / / der bshugs-pa*i-£ul-du cig-car-du
Tu-ru-ka’ i-d mag gsum-brgya-tsam mtshon-cha zin-ne-ba byun-
ste bkron nes-par ’dug kyah ma-rned-pas skyans-nas log-sori-iio /
yon-bdaz bza’-mi gins-po shag ’ga’ lcags bcug-ste de-nas btan*
byun-ho / mgon-po’i-sku de shal-gcig phyag-bshi-pa che-chur-
mi-bas-che-stam-pa mis snum-hed-byas-pas sho--kred-kred-pa
lte-ba’i-thad-kar mgo-btugs-nas byin-rlabs-shus-pas zad-pa-la
rdo sran-zan mdog-tu snah gsuhs-so / / dah-po bla-ma RaMiu-
la’i spyan-snar sleb-pa’i-dus-na dbUs-’gyur-’chan / ’di-na’an
sgra na-bas mkhas-pa med-dc ’on snam-pa-la bla-ma’i slob-ma
byis-pa [36a ' sgra-bslobs-pa ’ga’ snan-bas de-kun kyah na-bas
mkhas-par-snan / mkhas-pa rah de yul Ma-ga-dha dcr phyin-
nas gtugs-na ’on-bar-’dug gsun / pan-chen bLa-ma-lnr-bcu-pa
gsun-ba-la bdag-gi-blo-la ! an yod ses kyah ses da nan-mi-dgos
snam-pa-la bla-ma pandi-ta chen-po’i-shal-nas sam-kri-ta’i-
’grel-pa mkhas-su-’gro-hon gsuns-pas han-pa sdon-la’an phan-
par-byun khyad-par yah : ga’-re ’dug nan-rin-chog-par-byuh
gsuns der dus dbyar- du ’gro-tsa-na bla-ma’— shal-nas khyed
Bal-por bshud-dgos / ’dir tshad-pas groh-’gro / ’dir Bod gshan
byuh-bas kyah slob-gfier dan ’on-ba-’dug-can na-nin §i-ba-yin
khyed-kyi-snar yah clios mah-po mkhyen-gda’-ba srog-gi-
bar-chad-byun-na phans cis-kyaii bshud gsun grogs-po-dag kyah
de skad zcr yah thugs-la dbyar Bal-por phyin-nas dgun dbUs-
’gyur-’ehan ’dir ’ons-na chu-bo Ganga 5 rgal-ba’i-dka’-las cig-pos
chog ]36b] 61 yah ’dir slob-gner-bya-dgos sham-nas bla-ma-la
ha ii yah ’dir han-par-shu byas-nas bshugs-pas dbyar lan-gcig
sku-la lu-ba gsum-brgya byun-nas ’o-brgyal-bar-byun-ba-la
1. Bead : sJcbs.
2. Read : bskyal.
#3 . Tum^hka.
/ 4- Rk.
* $• Gafig*
34
LIFE OF DHARMASVAMIN
bla-ma’i-shal-nas khyod b^od-nams-can skal-pa-bzah-po-can-du
’dug gsuns-nas dgyes-tshor-cher-mdzad / ha ’di-’dra’i-na-
tshabs-la bla-mas dgyes-pa ci )in snam-pa la bla-ma’i-shal-nas
khyod-kyi chu-nad nan-du ma-byun-bar phyir byuh-ba-yin
su-bas srog-gi-bar-chad mi-nus da kiiycd mi-gron gsuns-nas
dgyes- c o / / de-dus-na gdan-shc-ran-med-pas ’phral-du sdug-
sran tshugs-te phyis khams nan par-’dug gsuns-so / / pa-ni-hi 1
shes-na mthil-lham ko-ri dan yu-ba-med-par sin-ham ko-ba-la
mthil bya-ba rkan-pa’i gon-dus sgreg-gis-’chih rGya-gar-ba’i-
lugsyin / rcs-’ga’de-’dra’ilham-yan-med-par byun gsuns-so //
yul-cig-na mu-stcgs mah-po-mchod-par-byed-par-’dug-pa-la £ih
mah-pot shan-chen-po-rlsig^-byas-pa’i-nah-du phyugs rnah-po
bcug-nas Sih-lame-spar-has phy ugs-ma-rams bsregs-pas mc-chun-
na [ 37a ] phyugs-ma-rnams phrad-phrad-byed-pa de’i mthar
dkyil khor zlum-po dan gru-gsum gru-bshi-la-sogs-pa man-po
byas-byas-nas lab-lab-pa-ra-pu-re man-po zer-bar-’dug / mchod-
pasbyin-pa’i-rigs de-la thabs-su ’dod-de thar-ba’i-thabsma-yin /
’ishe-ba-dag ni thams -cad dan / / thabs ma-yin dan nan-son
dan / / ’jigs 2 3 4 -tshogs theg-pa-dman-pa-la / / skyob-phyir skyabs
kyi dam-pa-yin / / shes-pa’o / / thabs-mi-mkhyen-pa-ni de-
’dra’i chos-log-go / dkon-mchog-gsum-la skyabs-’gro-byas-na
dra’i-chos-la re mi-dgos-pa’ah ’on gsuhs-so / / rGya-gar dan
Bal-po-na sho’i lo-ma sa’i-steh-du bkram-pa ltar skye-ba koh-po-
med-pa-cig-la ra-phyugs-kyis rmig-pa-la-sogs-kyis ma-ral-ba
dgos ral-ba’am skyon-can gcig zla-la sor-na zla-bo skyon-med
thams-cad kyan rul-bar-’dug / grogs-po nan-pa yah go-la rul
pa-dan-’dra zla-bo thams-cad rul-du ’jug-par-’dug gsuh / lo-ma
de’i rul-pagris [ 37b ] bcad-cin bror-nas ’gron-bu bsregs-pa’i thal-
babtab / de chan-phabs ’debs-pa’i dod-po yin-par bar-du dri-
bzanbtab-nas shag gnis gos-kyis mnan-palans-pa de-la pa-na 8
zcr Bod-skad-du btuh de-la chos-skad-du tam-bo-la / 5 phal*
skad-dam Bal-po’i-skad-du go-la / Bod-skad-du so-rtsi shes-
par-bsgyur-te / de’i kha-dog dmar-po gyur seh-he-ba des so
1 . panhi .
2. Read : ’ j i- .
3. Hindi, p^n.
4. Read : phal-.
TIBETAN TEXT
35
XI]
legs-par-'oh-bas so-rtsi shes gsuhs-so / / da-ri-ba 1 zer-ba-la
Bal-po se’u’i-khu-ba skyur sen-ne-ba de ban-de-rnams-kyi
btuh-ba yin rGya-gar-na ban-de chan mi-’thun gsuns-so / /
Na-lendrar chos rdzogs-par-shus-nas bla-ma-la ha Bod-du
’gro-bar-shus-pas ma-gnan-te 2 de-nas zla-ba gcig-tsam son-ba-na
bla-ma’i-shal-nas khyod-kyis chos man-po mkhycn-pas s«rs-
can-la phan-thogs ’on Bod-du bshud-dgos gsuhs’ o-na ’gro-bar-shu
byas-pas de-rin bshugs-cig 3 gsuhs / san de bshud-pas do-nub
gru-khar nam-yan sleb sna-dro bshugs-^ig gsuhs [38a] der
nub-mo bsdad de’i-nah-par deda gshud-dgos gsuhs-nas de’i
hin-mo pandi-ta mdo-li-la bteg-nas skyel-du-byon khyed dge-don
legs-po cig yod-pas Bod-du bshud gsuhs-nas spyan-chab-bsil /
ha na-so rgas Bod-sa^thag-rin skye-ba ’dir da ’phrad-pa mi-’ch
bDe-ba-can-du ’jal- 4 ’on cig gsuhs-nas slar-bshud-do / / bla-ma
de-la bsiien-bkur ’thon 6 -po byas-pa-yin gsuhs Chos-rjc Cliag-lo-
tsa-bas lo-ril-po gnis yul Ma-ga-dhar bshugs-so / Na-lendra’i
le’u-ste-fott-/w’0 / /
Chapter XI
de-nas Chos-rje zla-bo-med kyan byon-le chu-bo
Gan-ga’i gru-nah-du Gar-log-mi-gnis khyed Bod-kyi-mi ’dug
khyod-la gser ’dod zer Chos-rjes has rgyal-po-la bsad-do
byas-naskha sugs-chen-po byas gsuhs / khoh-ghis-kyis Chos-rjes 6
lhun-bzed gru-nan-nas tog-gis khyer-bas gru-nan-nas rGya-gar-
gyi-yon-bdag-pha-bu-gnis ’dug-pa’i-bu de dad-pa-can cig ’dug-
pas de na-re dge-sloh no-mtshar-can geig ’dug lhun-bzed ma-’
’khyer [38b] khyod-gnis-la nor geig sbyin zer de-ghis na-re
khyod-kyi nor mi-’dod Bod ’di-la ’dod zer / der khon-ghis-la
pa-na 7 geig $or pa-na geig zer-na de ’gron-bu brgy ad-bcu-la
zer-ba-yin gsuhs / de-nas Ti-ra-hu-ti’i gron-khyer-Pa-ta 8 shes-pa
der sleb-pa’i-dus-na dge-sloh gcig-la nan-pa yin-nam dris-pas
yin zer de-la gnas gyar-nas bshugs-pas der sku-khams snun-ste
rkan gar-yod sta-res b£ag-pa ltar gyur gnas-po na-re snun-ham
1. Hind, dkrim.
2.
Read :
ste.
3. . Read : rtg.
4 *
Read :
mjal
5. Read : m^hon.
6.
Read :
rje’i.
7. pana.
8.
Pattal&
•
LIFE OF DH ARMAS V AMIN
36
[CH.
zer khams ma-bde gsuris-pas yul dbUs-kyi tshad-pa phyi-la
’braris-pa-yin cis-kyan mi-phan-par ’chi-ba-yin khyod ’dir
ma-bsdad ro-khari yod-pas der son zer riin-re-bshin de-skad zer /
de’i-dus-su tshad-pa r i-sriuri-nad drag-pos ni thabs gsol-ba’i-
rgyags ni med / snun-ba-Ja gyog ni ‘med / gnas-po dee ni
rtag-tu son zer / yul-pbyogs-kyi-mi-rio-ses-pa ni cig-kyari med /
seg-bya-ba van med / [ 39a ] der giori-la khad-pa sin-tu ! o-rgyal- 1
bar-byuri-rio / / de’i-dus-su gnod bva’i-nian-riag thun-mori-ma-
yin pasyod-pas ’phel-gyis dcgs-nas bsregs / gnas-po des kyari
dpe rkus de-dus spyan tab-rib-tu gyur*pa’i-dbu-rrias-su nag-po
yor-po shig byuri-ste snagg-pa cig na-re sku-khams sriuri-riam zer
ma-bde gsuris-pas kh>od su yin zer Bod yin gsuns-pas Bod-kyi
gari-nas ’oris zer dbUs-pa yin-gsuris-pas dbUs-kyi-gari-gi-thad-nas
y nshes nan-tan cher ’dri-shiri-’dug-pas ria gOal-gyi lTe ; u’i-ra
zer-ba shig-nas rGya-gar rDo-rje-gdan-du chos slob-pa-la phyin
Bod-du *og-’gro-ba-yin-te ’dir na-bas lus-pa-yin gsuris-pas
sriags-pa de na-re Chag lo-tsaa-ba dGra-bcom-gyi dpon-po cig
na-niri-tsam-na rGya-gar-du bshud zer-ba de cari yin-nam zer de
yin gsuris-pas / de na-re rias Bod-du pandi-ta Sakya Sri’i chags-
phyir ITe’u-rar shyin-pa-yin Phyag 2 lo-tsa-ba gori-ma dcs
[ 39k ] thugs-la ’dogs-po-byas ria-la nor yod-na khyod-kyi shabs-
thogs-byed de ci-yari med na rGya-gar Jho-phyogs don-gner-du
oris-pa-yin / rias rDo-rje-rnam-’joms dari gTsug-tor klog-Ses
khyed-kyi gyog dgos-na bya’am zer-bas dga’-nas ’o-na de-ltar shu
byas-pas sriags-pa des sriuri-gyog-byas-pas zla-ba-griis-tsam
sriuri-na’ari ma-grori-tsam-byuri gsuris-so / / de-skad-du’ari rGya-
gar Bal-por bzab kyari yul-dug-kyi / / tshad-nas drag-pos
thebskyari dbari-po-yi / 1 gtso-bosrog-gi-bar-chadma-byas-pa / /
de ’ari mkhan-po Ghos-rje chen-po’i drin / / shes dari / bsruri-
ba riams-su blaris kyari srion-las-kyi / / rims-nad chen-pos zin
yari bSes-gritr-gyis / / skyaris-pas tshe-yi-’du-byed ma-’gag-pas / /
de-yari mkhan-po Chcs-rje’i drin / / shes gsuris -go / / sriags-
pa de-ni mgon-po phyag-bshi-pa ’di yin-par-snari gsuris / de-nas
sriuri-ba dans sku sria-so bshin ma-sroris pa’i-dus-su grori-khyer
Pa-ra’i-rgyal-po de srari-mdor ’byon-pa-yod z^r-nas / rria brc-
I. Read : brgyaj,
9. Read: Chag,
TIBETAN TEXT
3 ?
XII]
ba dan gar-mkhan dan ]40aj / rgyal-mtshan dan phye-ma
phur-ma dan / bsil-yab gyob-pa dan / dun dan bud-dkrol-la-
sogs-pa byed / khan-pa’i-sten thams-cad-dan / srah-gi-mdo
thams-cad dar-gyi-su-sur khenf-par-byas / rgyal-po Ra-ma-
singa 1 shes-bya-ba de^lan-po-che-cig-gi-steh-na rin-po-che’i-
khri dan rgyab-yol-rgyan-sna-tshogs-brgyan-pa-la ’khod-nas
l>yon / Chos-rje yah blon-pos spyan-drans-du-byun-ste / hid
ma-byon-na rgyal-pos chad-pas gcod-du ’ons-pas ’byon-par-shu /
rgyal-po sran-mdor lo-re-la lan-rc-las mi-*byon dc-la ltad-mo
byed-pa-yin zer / blon-pos Chos-rje mdo-li-la spyan-drans-nas
rgyal-po dan mjal / Chos-rje rgyal-po de-la sarh-kri-ta’i
tshigs-bcad-pas $is-pa-brjod-pas rgyal-po £in-tu mnes-nas gser
dan / ras-yug dan / sman man-po dan / ’bras dan / yon
bian-po gya-nom-pa phul-nas bla-mchod-la bshugs-par-shu
gsuns-pa-la / Chos-rjes kyed mu-stegs-kyi chos-lugs-la ha- [40b]
nah-pa’i-chos-kyis bla-mchod-byed-pa-mi-’thad-do gsuhs-pa
thugs-la btags gsuns-pas / ’o-na shag ’ga’ ’dir bshugs zer-
nas rgyal-po des ci-dgos-pa’i-bsnen-bkur-byas gsuns / tshur-
lam Ti-ra-hu-tir byon-pa’i-le’u-ste-bcu-^c/^-j&^’o / /
Chapter XII
de-nas Ti-ra-hu-tir gron-khyer Pa-ta’i-khrom-chen-po
tshogs-par Bal-po’i-mi-ho-ses-pa-byuh-ba-rnams na-re ’di-ltar
sku-rid-pa gron’gros ku-bsegs ’grozer-nas hus chos-rjes ha gson-
gsin phyed-pa-yin de’u rah £i-ste sos-pa-yin gsuns-nas khoh
’ba’-ro-rnams-kyis bsnen-bkur-byas-gin mdo-li-la spyan-drans-
nas Bal-yul-du byon / Bal-yul-nas phyug-po-la ’ba’-ro-zer /
ban-dhe-la ha-sa-si zer / snags-pa-la hahdu-zer gsuns Bal-yul-
du byon-tsa-na sku ma-lta,s-pa-la ’ba’-ro-rnams-kyis zas shim-po
man-po byin-pas bad-kan che-bar byun gsuns / [41a] Bal-
yul-du Ban-dhe-Sa-le zer-ba’i ’ba’-ro gcig-la gser-sran Ina-dom
blahs-nas dpe-rten bshehs man-du gsuns / der Man-yul
Gun-than-du lo-tsa-ba Nag-tsho Tshul-khrims-rgyal-ba’i-gdan-sa
Yah-dog ces-bya-ba der bshugs-par-shu-ba’i-shu-’bul byun-ba-la
Chos-rje’i-shal-nas / gNal-gyi-lTe’u-ta shes-par mkhan-po lo.
#
I* R&masimha.
38
LIFE OF DHARM ASV AMIN
[CH.
tsa-ba gon-ma de’i gdan-sa skyon-dgos-pa-yod-pas bsdod-’mi-
khoms / lo gcig-gais -kyi-s khyod-la’an mi-tsho gsuns-pas
lo-gcig-las ma-khom kyan bshugs - par-shu zcr / bla-ma Ri-
wan-dra 2 mhon-ses-mna’-bas Yan-dog-tu’an lo bshi-lha bshugs-
nas byon-na’thad-de-tsam rins-pa kha-na-med-de r jes-la by on-pas
’gro-don ’on gsuns-so / / gsah des Yari-dog-tu bshugs-pa-yin /
dc-nas Bal-po-nas Yan-dog-tu phebs der Ha-ri-man-da-la-sogs-pa
ma-dan-’dra-ba’i-bu bshi-la-sogs-te gna s-gshi brgyad-cu-tham-
pa’i lde-mig riin-gcig-la phyag-tu phul / [41b] yon-bdag-po
phyug bTsan-grags-kyis gser-’bum pbul / yon-bdag dKon-
mchog-rten-gyis gser-gyi-ni-khri phul / spyir gser-gyi-ni-khri
tshar bshi / brGyad-ston-pa tshar griis snag-tsha’i-gsuh-
rab-la mdo-sde sum-cu-rtsa-ghis dus-gcig dan rgyas-pa bcu-drug
dum-gcig-gis sna-drans-pa po-ti phyed-dan-his-brgya-tsam
phyag-tu byon / chos-skad-du pustaka / ’phraP-skad-du glegs-
bam gser-gyi-ma-yin-pa snag-tshas-bris-kyah glegs-bam yin
gsuns-so / / Jar 1 dps-cha ma-ltogs^pa’i-po-ti nis-brgya phyag-tu
byon/ Yan-dog-nas dbUs-su byon-dus (yon-bdag- )po Phyug
bTsan-grags na-re gscr-’bum Yan-dog-tu jog-na mi-dga’-bas
Ghos-rje-hid gar bshud-du spyan-drahs-par-shu zer kho-rah
ran-gis ko-gtum-byas-nas snar-gon-du lam-du brdzans-so / /
dKon-mchog-rten-gyi 5Ji-khri ni-ma-bshi’i-sar skyel-du- byun-
bas de-gnis ITe’u-rar gdan-drans-so / / yon-bdag de-
[42a] ghis bu med-nas tshad-pa-la / de-nas bu gsum skyes mi-
nor-’dzoms-bde-skyid-dah-lldan-par gyur-to // Bal-yul-na bshugs-
pa’i-dus-su Ghos-rje Sa-skya-pandi-tas mTshan-brjod-kyi-’
grel-pa bDud-rtsi-thigs-pa’i-dpe bskur gsun-ba byuh-ba-la de*i*
rGya-dpe bskur-bas khyed-ran-gis ’gyur-mdzad-pa’i Bod-dpe’i
gyur blta-ba-yin gsuh-nas yah bskur-ba gzigs-pas £in-tu mhes-te
phyis Sa-skyar mjal-dus gsun-glen-mdzad-pas Chos-rje Sa-skya-
pa’i-shal-nas lo-tsa-ba Rin-chen-bzan-po’i-rtin-la khyod-bas
mkhas-pa ma-byuh nes-pa-yin / ha yah khyed-kyi ’di-ltar
mkhas-pa cig bya snam-pa-la yab-mcs-kun-gyis rGya-gar-du
ma-btan-bas lan sku-drin-che-la chuh-du-byuh chc-ste chos
1. Read : sdod.
3. Read : phal.
5. Read : gtogs /
2. Ravfndra.
4» gtogs
TIBETAN TEXT
39
XIII]
dan lons-spyod-dari-ma-bral-ba-mdzad / churi-ste rGya- gar-du
ma-btari gsuns-so / / phyis Hor-yul-du’an Chag lo-tsa-ba ran
mkhas-pa yin-pas yon-tan slob-’dod-na khon-la gtugs-sig gsuns-
skad-do / / [ 42b ] Yan-dog-tu chos-gsuns-pas bla-ma Sa-skya-pa’
islob-ma dge-b£es bcu-tssm-la’an chos-kyi-phan-thogs che— bar
byun gsuns-so / / Man-yul Yan-dog-tu lo-tsa-ba bshugs-pa’i-
le’u-ste- 6 rw-^n/v-/?fl’ / /’
Chapter XIII
de-nas gftal ITe’u-ra-pa-rnams-kyis spyan-drans-pas Yan-dog-
nas byon-pa’i-tsho gser-’bum fti-khri-sogs dan / phyag-dpe Bod-
dpe rGya-dpe’i sna-ka-rtser-bshugs-pa-rnams mdzo man-po-Ia
bkal-nas byon-pas mi-la-la na-re dpe dan chos de-tsam-gyi-man
po mi-srid tshos dan bu-ram man-po yod-’dug zer-skad /
de’i-dus-su ran-thag-cig ma-tog-pa ci-dgos-pa ’bul-ba-byun /
mi-che-rgu-cog-gis shabs-kyi-rdul spyi-bos blahs- te gfial-gyi-
lTe’u-rar phebs-sa-gshi rta dan mis gan-shin / nam-mkha 5 ’ja’
dan dar-gyis gan-ba / shabs-kyis gari dan gan bcags-pa /
bkra-sis lo legs bde-skyid-ldan / ITe’u-ra’i slob-dpon Don-
shags-pa Chos-rje srion gshon-nu’-i-dus-su lha’i-shal [43a] gzigs
gsuhs-pa-la yid-ma-ches-pa bar-chad yin rGya-gar-nas log-mi-’on
gsuh-ba-la lo ni-Su-rtsa-bshi ma-’jal 1 kyan da-bzod 2 bar-chad-
med-par byon-pa-la dad-gus gshan-pas che skad / mkhas-
grub-btsun-pa’i snan-grags phyogs-bcur khyab / Hor-yul- nas
kyan chos-kyi-rgyal-po ’Phags-pa dan / rgyal-po Lo-go-sa-
bdag-Go-pe-la gus-pa’i-thugs-kyis spyan-’dren-btan-bar- gyur //
de-la slob-dpon &ig-sa-ta-dan-la-sogs-pa’i gser-yig-pa’ga*
yan-dah-yan-du byuh-shin gus-pas bsnen-bkur-byas-ste 3 /
Hor-yul-du spyan-’dren-pa’i-gtam-shus-so / / ’gro-ba mah-po
phan-bde-la bkod-cin ITe’u-rar bshugs / rGya-gar-nas phebs-
nas lo phyed-dan-bco-lna-tsam son-ba’i-dus-su ’brug-gi-lo-la
Si-tu A-skyid dan / dpon-po ’ Jur-nah dan Ab-rkan la-sogs-kyis
Hor-yul-du spyan-drahs-pa-la mdo-li-la spyan-drahs-nas Byari
sSin-’brum-du byon / de’i-tshe shabs shun 4 / de’ah ycs-bu’i-
lo-la sa-gyos chen-po ]43b] khan-pa shig-pa man-pas bla-bran
( I. Read : rnjal. a. Read : gzod.
3. Read : te. 4. Read :
40
LIFE OF Dll ARMAS V AMIN
[CH.
du bshugs-ma-nus-phyir bshugs-pas kyan lan chos-skyon-gis
shabs-la lcags-sgrogs bcug-nas Hor-yul-du mi-gton-ba-’dug ces
kyan rno-mthon-mkhan-gyis zer / Hor-Bod-kyi-mi blo-can-kun-
gyis lam-du gron-na phahs-par mthon / dpon Zin Ses-rab-
skyabs-kyis Hor-Bod-kyi-mi-sna-kun «bsags-te lam-du gron-pa-na
gryal-po yan mi-mnes / Bod-du bshugs-na ’gro-ba-kun-la
phan-khams che-bas Hor-Bod-kun gros-kyis zer-ba-la-brten-nas
Hor-Bod-kun-gyis Bod-du bshugs-par-shus / de’i-dus-su dpon
Ses-rab-skyabs-kyis shus-pa bla-ma pandi-ta chen-po bcu-ghis /
Bod-du lo-tsa-ba bshi mkhas-btsun ni-Su-la chos gsan-pa’i
gsan-yig chen-mo de mdzad-dc gnan / slar-yan gfJal-du byon /
rGya-gar-nas gSal-du byon-nas lo gnis-tsam-na 5 Phrul-snah-gi
Sakya-mu-ne-la mchod-pa-’bul-du byon-pa’i-lam-du Yar-lun
sTag-tshal-[ 44 a] du pandi-ta Da-na-£i-la-la sgrub-thabs-bsdus-
pa’i rGya-dpe yod-med ’dri-ba-la byon-te chu-ba-ber gcig dan /
lga-pi-pi-lin phul-nas rGyud-bla-ma’-i-mchod-brjod sam-kri-tai'i-
skad-du gsun-te 1 £is-pa brjod-pas pandi-ta ’dar-sig-sig spyan-chab
li-li-li byun / mkhas-mkhas na-bas khyod mkhas-pa ’dug /
khyod rGya-gar-du yun-riii-du sbyans-pas pandi-ta chen-po’i-
chcn-por ’dug / ha Bod-du bsdad-bas ba-lan 2 -du son / khyod
mkhas-brags-pas na’i spu larf-pa-yin gsuns-so / / gser-phyc
phyl-ba’i-drun-du chos-gsuns-te rGya-gar-gyi-lo-rgyuS gsuns-pas
mi-tshogs-pa thams-cad ’chi 4 -ma £or-ba £a-stag byun / de’i lo-la
gser-phye-phul-ba’i-yul-khams-der nad-med-pa lo lcgs-pa byun-
ho / / ITe’u-ra’i-gdan-sa skyans- 5 pa’i-le’u-ste-^w-^j^m-/>fi’o / /
Chapter XIV
dgun-lo drug-cu-re-gcig-pa rta’i-lo-la Than-po-cher*byon /
[ 44** ] dpyid-dbyar-ston-gsum-gyi-chos dgon-pa-chen-mor
bshugs-nas gsuns / dpyid-chos-la Tih-he-’dzin-rgyal-po*i-*grel-
pa dan sems-bskyed chen-mo-la-sogs-pa gsuns / dbyar-chos-la
sKye-rabs dan / sPyod-’jug dan / bSes-pa’i-sprin-yig dan /
K.a-ma-la- si-la’ i-sGom-rims-gsum dan / rTa-dbyahs-kyi-Kun-
rdzob-byan-chub-kyi-sems-sgom-pa dan / D o n- d am-by an-chub-
i . Read : ste
3. Read : laris.
$. Read : bskyafis-.
2. Read : glaii.
4. Read : mchi*.
XIV]
TIBETAN TEXT
41
kyi-se ms-sgom-pa-rnams gsuns / ston-chos-la ’Phags-skor-gyi-
cho*-phran-sna-gcig kyan ma-lus-par gsuns / gshan-yan bla-
ma-hid-kyis-mdzad-pa’i-mandaJ-gyi-cho-ga-gsum dan / Chos-
spyod-nor-bu’i-phreh-ba dan / bsNo-ba’i-man-hag-rin-po-che’i-
gter dan / Nan-son - # sbyoh-ba’i~rgyud-cha-lag-dah-bcas-pa /
kLu-sgrub-kyi-smon-lam-shigs-su-bcad-pa-dgu-pa ! gyur-bcos-nas-
gsuns pa / shan-yari chos-bka’mari-du gsuns-nas ston-chos
bzabs^pa-yin dcs thon-pa-yin-no / da gro-la bshud gro-thon-pa-
dari grwa-pa-kun [45a] ha’-i-druri-du byon-cig gsush-pas
spyan-sriar phyin-pa-na chos *di ses-pa rah-gis mi-chog nams-su-
len-dgos-par-gda 5 ibas nams-len daii thos-pa-gnis-a gyis-£ig /
snon-la cIids bslabs-nas da gdori nams-su-blaris sfiam-na rtsis-su
mi-’on slob-parran-la’an bar-chad *oh-ba-yin-pas hams-len-
spyod-pa-dan-’phral rah-Ia gyis / ’o-skol ’chi— khar mi-’gyod-
pa-re-byed ’tshal de-la chos-ses-par-byas-nas hams-su-len-dgos /
klio-bo yah da-Io giiis bsad-pa-byed-nas sgrub-pa-rah byed-rtsis
su-byun na-yin / e-yon mi-£es / Chos-rje goh-ma de dguh-Io
drug-cu-rtsa-bshi-la sku-gsegs-pa-yin / khyed yi-dam-gyi mnon-
rtogs gah-la mos-pa re-re blo-la bzun-la bsgom / bLa-
ma-lha-bcu-pa bzuh / gshon-nu-dus-su yi-dam-lha’i-bshon-pa
thebs-dgos-pa-yin kho-bo kyan gshon-dus-su yi-dam-lha’i-bsnen-
pa-’bum-tshe-hi-su-rtsa-drug bskyal-bas rGya-gar-nas ma-si-bar
log-tsam-byuri-ba *di yin rjud-rjud-par-’dug-ste gsun-nas
phyag-gi-bar lhu-la byil-byil-mdzad-de // yah lan-geing kho-bos
Lho-Bal-du ’gro-tsam-na rDo-rje-gdan ma-mthon-bar-du
mi-ldog-pa’i-dam-bca’-byas lo bcu-bdun lon-nas bshi-bcu-
rtsa-lna’-i-bar-du snag-snug-dah-mi-’bral-ba’i-dam-bea’-byas /
da-lta dge-sbyor-gyi-dam-bca* dan / / dkor-la mi-’ bag-pa
dari/gshis-kha mi-gcod-pa dan / gser se-ba-gcig-nas bre-gah
kyan bed-’gyur-du-mi-btoh^ba dan/ ’khor-la khral mi-bsdud
pa dan / mi-dbe’i-dpon-mgo mi-byed-pa’i-dam-bca’ *ga* yod
gsuhs-so II ston-chos thon-ma-thag dgon-pa-ehen-mo-nas
’Ju’i-phur byon rGyal-du zla-ba gsum mtshams-la-bshugs-te//
gsuh-bead thugs-dam-mdzad / thun-mtshams-su sGron-gsal-
^le’u-dah-po’i ti-ka mdzad / Bod-lta-ba ma-dag-par yod snon
1 . Read : gzabs.
2. Read : gtoft-
4 s * LIFE OF DHARMASVAM 1 N [ctt.
ha- sari Ma-ha-ya-na’i Ita-ba dar da-lta’ari de-dari-’dra / lta-ba
dag-par-byed-pa-la dbU-ma [46a] Rin-ehen-phreri-ba b£ad-na
phan / Tnari-du dgun ’di tshogs-chos-la b$ad-dgos gsuris-nas
bla-ma-riid-kyi rGya-dpe ’bru re-re-nas yod-ciri / sTon-pa ’Ju-bas
Bod-yig-tu bris-te phyag-dpe’i ehan-bjir btab / dgun Tnari-po-
cher byon Sud-ke’i-khari-pa-nas dgun-chos-la sGron-gsal dari
Rin-ehen-phreri-ba gsuris phyag-dpe de dge— b’ses Rigs-ral 1
gyiss hus-pas khomd-la gnari-nas yod-ds / pyid-ehos sde-pnug-tu
gsuris / dbyar-ehos ’Khor-rdo-dgon-par gsuris-siri bla-brari btab /
dbyar-thog griis-kyis bla-brari-gi-mkhar-las kyari tshar / de-duxs-
su tsha-duri ja-duri tshogs-chos-lria-chos-duri / phyi-dro’i-
chos-duri-rnams dari dgori-ja’i-duri / dgori-ma chos-spyod-dari-
dari-bcas-pa-yi / riin-re duri lan bcu-gsum bcu-gsmn bgiags / /
grwa-pa’ari dpe-’grems brgya-brgyas mar dal phul / / man dal
sa-yi stegs-bu’ari brgya-brgya byuri / / de-nas Phag-mo-grub-
pa’i-dpon gShon-tshul-gyis Thari-po-cher mi-bshugs-par-shu-ba’i-
yi-ge byuri-bas dbyar-chos ston-chos-dari-bcas-pa Guri-thari-
]46b] du gsuris / ’Dren-phu-lhas-ldiris-su so-sor thugs-dam-
mdzad / der sriar Bod-du ina-’gyur-ba’i-gTsug-lag-dgu’i-rgyud
bsgyur / Byiri-gi-O-dkar-brag-tu’ari thugs-dam-mdzad / lar
Yar-lun-phyogs-su lo ril-po lria bshugs-so / / Chos-rje Chag
lo-tsa-ba Thari-pa-cher byon-pa’i-le’u-st c-bcu-b'hi-pa’o II
Chapter XV
5 Ju-ba-ston-pa bdag-gis ’Ju-phur gdan-draris-te-shus-pa-la
’Phags-pa kLu-sgrub-kyis mdzad-pa’i gSari-ba-’dus-pa’i dhari-
mdzad / rDo-rje-dbyiris-kyi-dkyil-’khor-chen-po bsheris ston-pa
dari ston-pa’ i-ne-’brel-gy is shus-pa-la chos shag bcu gnari /
Sems-bskyed-chen-mo-dari Sems-bskyed-bsdus-pa dari tshogs-chos
mari-du gsuris / chos-gsuris-pa’i thog-mar ’Jam-dbyaris-kyi-bstod
pa dari / bDud-tshar-bcod-pa’i-gzuris dari bLa-ma’i-bstod-pa re
rGya-skad-du gsuris / / chos-Mad-tsa-na thog-mar bLa-ma’i-
bstod-pa re rGya-skad-du gsuris / / chos-b$ad-tsa-na thog-mar
bLa-ma’i-bstod-pa re byas-pas gsuri-sgros mi-brjed-pa-yin gsuris-
nas Gu-ru tsa-ra-na 2 shes-pa-sogs bstod-pa re mdzad-do / bla-
I . Rig-ral.
2. a araya.
XVI]
TIBETAN TEXT
43
ma Chos-rje [47a] Chag lo-tsa-ba ’Ju’-phur byon-pa’i-leu-
ate-bcti-lna pa'o / /
Chapter XVI
de-lias Ri-gud-dud byar-chos dgun-chos rgyas-par-gsuri / de-
dus-su’an gra-pa-dpe-’grems brgya-brgya byun / de-nas
Sa-skyar byon chos-’khor-chen-mo-la dge-’dun ji-siied tshogs-pa’i
dbu-mdzad / bla-ma-chen-po Sar-pas dbu-draris-pa’i ehe-che-la
dbari-bskur / Ia-la-la sdom-pa phog / la-la skyabs-’gro-la
bkod / khyim-pa-rnams bsncn-gnas-la bko’ dgro-ba graris-
ined-pa sems-bskyed-la bkod-de / dpon-chen Sakya-bzan-po
dan bla-ma Sar-pas bsnen-bkur gya-noms-pa mdzad-cin
Sa-skyar bshugs-par shus-pa-la khams-bzah-na da-bzod^on-
bar-shu / daresg 51 al-du ci-nas-kyaii ’grogsuris-nassu’irio-la’ari
ma-bshugs-par gdan-sa lTe’u-rar byon-nas kyari chos-’khor
mdzad-nas ne-gnas dKon-mchog-dpal-gyis-gsags 2 -pa’i-bdog-pa
thams-cad spon-dag-mdzad-de sTon-pa [47h] Chos-rgyal-
gyis-btan-ba-la rin-po-che’i-sder-ma ran yah Sum-brgya
btan de-ltar brtson-pa-mdzad-pa ni sku-mya-rian-las-’da’-
bar bshad-pa-ste / de-yari Saris-rgyas sprul-pa’i-sku rtan 3 -du
mi-bshugs-pa’i-rgyu mtshan drug yod-pas-so / / drug gari
she-na / Theg-bsdus-las / mdzad-pa rdzogs-par-gyur-ba’i-ri //
shi-ba mi-’dod bzlogs-pa’i-ri // Saris- rgyas brnas-pa bzlog-
pa’i-ri / / spro-ba bskyed-par-bya-ba’i-ri / / so-so ran-brtson
brtsam-bya’i-ri / / myur-du yori-su-smin-pa’i-ri / / Saris-
rgyas-rnamsni sprul-pa’i-sku // gtan-du bshugs-par mi-bshed-
do// ces-so / / rgyu des-na gdul-bya’i-don-la dguii-la drug-
cu-rtsa-bdun bshugs-nas siri-pho-byi-ba-lo’i dgun-zlar-ra-ba-
mdo-’i-zla-ba-la res-gza’-lhag-pa skar-ma nam-gru’i-dus /
byed-pa khyim-skyes / sbyor-ba £in-tu mchog-can tshes bcu’i
hi-mo ni-ma lhan-dros -pa-la [ 48a ] ni shi-bar-ggegs / ’jig-rten
sgron-me ni-ma ’dra-banub / sgra dan sa-gyos rgyal-
khams-kun-gyis tshor / dri-bzari sha-na med-pa ITe’u-rar
i 4 Read ; gzed.
a. Read : bsags
3. Read : rtag.
44
LIFE OF DH ARMASV AMIN
[CH.
byun / / la-las lha-yi sil-snan thos-pa’an byun / / de-tshc
bla-ma Ghos-kyi-rgyal-po ’Phags-pa rGya-yul-nas yar-byon-pa
Byan-’Dam-du phebs-pa der bla-ma Chos-rje Chag lo-tsa-ba
’di-ltar mya-nan-las-’das shes shu-ba’i yi-ge-la gzigs-pas Chos-kyi-
rgyal-po rdo-rje-lta-bu’i-tih-ne-’dzih rnna-’ba yah spyan-chab
bsil / der chos-kyi-rgyal-po’i-shal-nas na-nin snar Chos-rje
Chag lo-tsa-ba Hor-yul-du by on-pa’ am yan-na ha yar-*ons-nas
’jaP-bar-shu-ba’i-yi-ge btan-ba’i lan-la skye-ba ’di-la’jaP-mi-
*on dogs-yod skye-ba phyi-ma shin-khams dag-par yan-yan
mjal-ba’i smon-lan ’tshal gsun-ba’i yi-ge byun-ba-yin da de’i-
thog-tu babs-khohs-la mhon-£es-mna’-bar brda gsun-no / /
sku-g$egs-pa de-phyir ma-tshor-bar-yod-pa-la [ 48b ] Bya-mkhar-
ba’i gnas-brtan bsgres-po na-re a-tsa-ra 1 2 3 ghis-kyis b£ad-pa-yin
Chos-rje da-lta-bar hi-ma lhan-dros-pa-la sku-g£egs
zer-te byun de b£ad-pa’i a-tsa-ra gnis-po de ni chos-skyon yin-par
grags-so / / sku-gsegs-pa’i Nin bla-bran-gi-thog-khar ’ja’-tshon
sna-lna bkra-ba mi-kun-gyis mthori-bas Lho-pa rje-btsun
Nam-mkkha’-dpal na-re sku-khams dga’-rab-yod zer kyan
’ja* man-po ya-mtshan ma-legs zer skad / spur-mchod-byed-
pa’i nin-par hi-ma gshan-pas rin de’i sKye’u-ri’i gon-tsam-na
hin-re-bshin-du ’Jam-dpal-mtshan-brjod ’don-pa’i dam-bca’-
can shig yod-pa des tshor-nas mTshan-brjod tshar sum-cus man-
du thon-byun hi-ma de-tsam-gyis rin zer skad-so / / de-ltar
Chos-rje mya-nan-las-’das / mthon-ba-tsam-gyis dad-gyur-ba’i //
rje de mthon-ba- [ 49a ] med-par gyur // chu-stoh-chags-pa’i
chu-zla-bshin / / gdun-sel gsal-ba stor-bar-gyur / / chos don
the-tshom phyogs-kun-la / / dri-ba’i lan-ldon-med-par-gyur /
rGyal-gyi-zla-ba’i tshes bco-lha’i hin spur-la shu-phul-ba’i-
dus-su nam-mkha’i dans-pa ’ja’-tshon-gyis gan-ba dkar-yol
lta-bu*i me-tog dkar-po’i char babs-pa mi la-la’i lag-gnis-kyis
bzun-nas shim-pa kha-phye-tsam-na dnos-med-du yal de sa-la
§or-ba-yin sham-nas sa-la blta-shin tshol / la-la gnam-du blta-
shin da-dun ’dzin / shag gsum-gyi bar-du *khyeg-hrom tham*-
1. Read : mjal.
2. Read: mjal.
3. dchdrya.
XVII]
TIBETAN TEXT
45
cad shu / gduri-la rigs-lna’i phyag-rntshan-la-sogs-pa no-mtshar
che-ba byon / phyis gdun shal-mjal-ba’i-dus-su bla-bran-gi-
sten-du dar-po-che gyen-du phyar-ba lta-bu'i ’ja’-tshon rab-tu-
gsal-bar-byun / san sku-gs<^gs-pa’i de-rin dgon-mo gzim-mal-du
spyan-khar khro-bo bcu byuri shes gsun-ba-la he-gnas slob-dpon
sTon-rin- [49b] gyis ci lags shes-pas khro-bo bcu’i bris-ksu
gaig bri snam-yod-pas de’ i bags khyer-’dug gsuiis / dc ni-khro-bo
bcu shal-gzigs-pa’o / / bla-ma Chos-rje Chag lo-tsa-ba
Jku-mya-han-las-’das-pa’i-le’u-stc-£a/-^rz/g-/Kj ’ 7 / /
Chapter XVII
bdag-’dra’i rmons-pas bla-ma Saris-rgyas-kyi / / gsuron-tan
bris-brjod-nus-min-te / / ’on-kyah gsun-la-brten-nas bris-pa’i-
tshul / / ’di-la nons-pamkhyen-ldanbzod-mdzad rigs / / dge-bas
’gro-kun bla-ma mchog rhed-cin / / stoh-nid rten-’brel lta-ba
ka-ba rgyal-ba-yi / / gsun-gi-mdzod-kyi gces-pa zab-mo’i-don /
thos-sin rtogs-nas kun-mkhycn thob-par-sog / / bla-ma’ i gsun
dri-ma-med-pa bsgrigs-pa shes-bya-ba ’di ni bla-ma Chos-rje
lo-tsa-ba’ i gsun-bdud-rtsi’i-rgy un-la snod-kyi skyon-gsum span
ba gsuu-tfin tshad-bris-la ’dri-ba’i dam-bca’-can Sakya-dge-
bsnen ChoS-dpal-dar-dpyan-gis Lho-pa’i [ 5oa]dge-bses Ses-rab-
dban-phyug-la-sogs-pas bskul-ba’i-nor bla-ma lo-tsu-ba chen-po
de-hid-kyis shabs-bcags-pa’i-sa ’Ju’i-phur sdebs-pa rdzogs-so / /
gsun-snan nor-bu’i-’phreri-ba ’di // hid-kyi mgul-la rgyan-du
*bul / / sarbakalyanamitra 1 / Tripitaka-dhara-yi-phyag-tu
*bul / / gus-bshin gshan-la’ari gsuii-bar-shu / / mahgalam / /
5
I . Sar vakalyanaji Ira .
CHAPTER I
BIRTH AND EARLY LIFE
The Wonderful Life Story of Chag le-tsa-ba
composed by ’Ju-ba Chos-dar.
In Sanskrit : Guruvagvimalavali-nama.
In Tibetan : bLa-ma’i gsuris dri-ma-rned-pa bsgrigs-pa shes-
bya-ba.
“The String of the pure Words of the Guru.”
I bow in veneration to the pure lotus feet of the Dharmasvamin
Chag lo-tsa-ba !
dPal - endowed with the name of Sri,
dPal possessed of the meaning of Sri . 1
I reverently aecept with the crown of (my) head the dust of the
Guru’s feet,
And request to be constantly blessed by the Guru,
The Merciful One, endowed with a manifold knowledge of in-
tuitive wisdom.
The Dharmakaya being peaceful from the beginning,
The illusory appearance of the Ultimate State, born of a Cause,
The Void and the Law of Causality,
Were manifested in the Body of Glory (Sambhoga-kaya ) .
Salutation to the feet of the Guru . 2
When investigated, it 3 remains unproved,
Born of a secondary cause,
It was declared (by the Buddha) to be manifested and transient.
I salute the Bhaishajyaraja , 4
Who removes (the dangers of falling into the two exteremes of
Eternalism and Nihilism . 5
As if wishing to encompass the Ten Quarters
1 . This is an allusion to the name of the lo-tsa-l>a — Chos-rje-dpal.
2 . The Guru being the Manifested Body or Nirmana-kaya.
^3. ‘It* means the nature of the Body of Glory.
4. sMan-pa’i rgyal-po.
/ 5. rtag-chad-mtha’-rtag-mtha’ (sdsvata-anta) and chad-mtha* ( uccheda -
)•
4 8 biography of dharmasvamin [ch.
Of the infinite expanse of Heaven,
Though the Guru’s perfection is infinite,
I shall reverently write about some aspects (of his earthly life).
The name of the Guru Dharmasvamin Chaglo-tsa-ba was
DharmasvamisrI. He studied with twelve Indian mahdpaniitas
( great scholars ) ( lit. “was endowed with the knowledge of
twelve great scholers”), and attained the degree of a learned
and venerable monk. In general, he was learned in the
five secular sciences , 1 and especially, in Tantra , 2 Grammar , 3
and Philosophy . 4 He was born in the five-cornered white
castle called Chag-gron in the north of ITe’u-ra in Lower
gflal , 5 the place of origin of former scholars of sharp intellect
and nimble tongue. His upadhyaya (personal teacher) was
Ghag lo-tsa-ba dGra-bc.om , 6 who was sent to Vajrasana in India . 7
He offered to the image of Mahabodhi numerous manialai
and offerings of five kinds. He strew (over the image) garlands
of flowers, and these remained hanging on the ears of the image
as ornaments, to the amazement of the sacristan 8 (priest) and all
others. At Nalanda he propitiated in front of the image of the
Sana vara Temple , 9 and had a vision of Saiiwara, and showed
assiduity in meditation. He was the holder of the Lineage of
upadhyayas of dPal dGra-can .. 10
His forefather was the elder teacher ( mahaguru ) bKra-gis-
dga’, learned in all the Sutras and Tantras of the Greater and
Lesser Vehicles (Mahayana and Hlnayana), and especially well
read in the great commentaries on the Yoga (Tantra), who
composed the rules of drawing the coloured mandala 11 of
1. rig-pa’i-gnas-liia, pailca-uidyd-sthanani : sGra’i-rig-pa, &abda-vidj a ;
gTan-tshigs-kyi-rig-pa, Hetu-vdyd ; Naft-gi-rig-pa, Adhyatma-vidyd ; gSo-ba’i-
rig-pa, Cikitsa-vidyd bZo’i-gnas-kyi-rig-pa Silpa-stkdna-vidyd. See, Maha*
vyutpatti , ed. Sakaki, NNo. 1554-59.
2. siiags.
3. sgra.
4. mtshan-nid.
5. of Lho-brag in Southern Tibet.
6. 1153-1216 A. D.. Sec Blue Annals , II, pp. 1054-6.
7. rGya-gar rDo-rje-gdan.
8. dkon-gficr.
9. bDe-mchog-gi-lna-khari.
10. Nanr»e of a monastery.
11. thig-rtsad.
BIRTH AND EARLY LIFE
I 1
49
Sri-Paramadya . 1 The goddesses Remati and Aparajita,* wearing
the garland of the sun, the moon and skulls, attended on him.
His father was the great teacher ( maha-dcharya ) Dar-ma ’byufi-
gnas, a devotee of Saiiivara 3 in the sahaja aspect 4 and Vajrapani , 5
whose left hand was perpetually in the meditative posture , 6 and
his right one holding the rosary. He was endowed with a plea-
sant voice and a heart which did not forsake. The Dharma-
svamin (i.e. Chaglo-tsa-ba ) himself had said, “(my) father
had a voice pleasant to hear, but a mind of iron”. When the
Dharmasvamin had entered the womb of (his) mother Chos-
’bum, the mother was freed from all desires and feeling of anger,
filled with great compassion and aversion to wealth which she
gave away right and left, and became known as “Chos-
’bum, the Mad One”. At the time (of the child’s) birth, many
auspicious signs appeared. When a loin-cloth 7 was presented
(to the child), two Devaputras showered (on him) a rain of
flowers and nectar (nrnrita), and two Naga-rajas presented him
with a cushion. Thus it is written in the annals of the lTVu-ra
Region . 8 The Guru’s body, who had come for the benefit of
sentient beings,
Was neither very big, nor very small.
When seated, great was its brightness,
When standing, it was beautiful from all sides.*
Especially, his head and teeth,
Also his eyes, not to be found among men !
When he caused the shower of the Pitaka-Doctrine to fall,
His speech removed the ignorance of disciples.
Such speech was not to be found among men !
For Arya Nagarjuna had said,
“With a large tongue able to speak for a great length of time
1 .
2 .
3 -
4 *
5 -
* 7 *
8 .
A 9 *
CAnn'Q
dPal-mchog (-daii-po ).
dKar-mo ni zla-thod-phrcii-can -
Ishtadevatd ; originally a Tantrik form of Mahadcva.
bDe-mchog lhan-skyes.
Phyag-na rdo-rje._
ninam-bshag, samdpatti.
ras-kyi ari-rag.
ITe’u-ra’i rgyud-ris. . .
Here the author of the rnam-thar imitates the style of libctan epic
50
BIOGRAPHY OF DHARMASVAMIN
[CH.
Soft words of Truth,
Endowed with the sweet voice of Brahma,
Exceedingly polite and reverential in speech,
With teeth very white in colour and uniform,
Since long accustomed to utter words of Truth,
Teeth beautifully shaped, forty in number,
Uniform and well shaped.
With eyes beholding sentient beings with compassion,
Free from attachment, anger and ignorance.
Full of lustre, of sapphire colour.
With long eye-lashes,
Aglow with forebearancc and of bright virtue.
Liberated through a serene mind born of meditation. **
In conformity with these words, the Dharmasvamin was
born with a large and nimble tongue, endowed with the voice
of Brahma, with teeth white and uniform, well shaped and
forty in number, with sapphire-blue eyes, wide open, with
thick eye-brows, with a bright face and great lustre. At the age
of seven, he mastered the Indian 1 script, the Tibetan script and
the Vivarta 2 script, the method of translating (texts ) 3 and the
drawing of mandalas . 4 * From childhood he observed the five
precepts of an upasakaJ' From the age of eleven till twenty one,
he attended continuously on dGra-bcom-pa, the Elder Ghaglo-
tsa-ba, and obtained the initiation ( abhisheka ) of Samvara , 6
studied numerous precepts and sdstras of the Tantra and Sutra
classes, and obtained the five commands of the Chittotpada . 7 In
general, the Guru himself had said at *Ju-phu 8 that between the
age of seventeen and forty five he had made a vow not to separate
(himself) from ink and pen.
1. rCya-yig.
2. Vartula.
3* bKa’-bcad, or “Royal Commands*', i.e. the Mahavyutpatti and the
sGra-sbyor bam-po-gnis-pa.
4. bris-thig.
n 5 ' ; st ^ n “khrims-Iiia-pa, ( 1) to abstain from killing (2 ), to abstain from
falsehood (3), to abstain from adultery (4), to abstain from wine, song and
dance (5 ) and to obstain from theft.
6. bDc-tnchog.
7. Scms-bskyed-kyi-bka’-liia .
8. Name of monastery in Yar-kluiis.
I]
BIRTH AND EARLY LIFE
5 *
When he was about fourteen or fifteen, he mediated at
bKra-sis-lhun-po 1 oflTe’u-ra, and performed 2,600,000 genuflec-
tions in honour of the blue Achala 2 , the lord of the fierce deities 3 ,
and had a vision of the tutelary deity 4 . This he kept secret
from others, but told aboi!t the vision to the dchdrya Don-shags
(Amoghapasa). The dchdrya did not believe him, and later,
when the Dharmasvamin was leaving for India, Don-shags-pa
said, “Now he will not return from India / An accident to (his)
life might happen, for lie has said that he had a vision of the tute-
lary deity. It is a bad omen ?” Later, when the Dharmasva-
min returned unharmed to ITe’u-ra from Vajrasana, having ac-
complished his task, Don-shags-pa believed him, and honoured
him more than the others. He showed the Dharmasvamin
great veneration, and is said to have remarked, “This Guru must
be a Siddha ! Last year in my dream J saw the sun shining from
above the mountain of rGya-tsha, west of iTe’u-ra, so that my
entire sleeping room was filled with light. This must have been
an auspicious sign (predicting) the Dharmasvamin’s return.”
When he was twenty, the Elder Dharmasvamin (dGra-bcom)
said (to him), “You must proceed to India ! After mastering
the Vivarta script, you should learn the Abhidharma. Study !
Stay with the Nepalese innkeeper bha-ro 5 Hah, “the Short One”.
They all have been my hosts J Make your request to the Panel
tas at the same time. If you make your request later, your
failure to request previously, will be taken as an offence. If
able, go to the Indian Vajrasana. It will come about by the mere
drinking of Indian water (i.e. he will get acclimatized and will
be able to undertake a journey in India). Learned in Grammar,
proceed with nimble tongue ! ” Such was his farewell exhortation.
He recollected that the Elder Dhrmasvamin had visited the Indian
Varjrasana and had acted as interpreter to Sakyasri, BuddhasrI
Ratnagr, and others. This devotee of Samvara and faithful
companion of dPyal lo-tsa-ba Chos-kyi-bzah-po on his journey
1. Name of a meditative cell, or mtshams-khan.
r*. Mi-gyo siion-po.
3. khro-ba’l-rgyal-po.
4. thugs-dam-lha.
• 5. bha-ro from Varishtha.
5 *
BIOGRAPHY OP DHARMASVAMIN
[CH.
to India, passed away at the age of 64. 1 In this very year, the
Dharmasvamin made the solemn vow not to return to Tibet
without having seen the Indian Vajrasana. Having put his foot
on the threshhold of the eastern gate of lTe’u-ra, he swore by his
head not to return without seeing Vajrasana. His maternal uncle,
a kalyana-mitra learned in Logic (Nyaya) and Vinaya, assisted him.
At the time of his going, the Guru received numerous religious
instructions from the Sa-skya lo-tsa-ba 2 3 , the Khro-phu lo-tsa-ba s ,
the 51an-stod lo-tsa-ba 4 , the Boddhisattva 5 Gro-chen-pa of sftar-
than 6 and many other scholars. He especially heard many religious
instructions from the Mahaguru (bla-ma chen-po) Lha-btsun
of Gun- than 7 8 , and became learned in the Abhidharmasamuccaya , 4
though the books which the Dharmasvamin could recite from
memory did not require the palm of the hand (to hold them).
He also studied there (i.e. with Lha-btsun) the Guhyasamaja ,
according to the Nagarjuna method following the commentary
by rflog (lo-tsa-ba). Thus he stayed in gTsah for ten years.
The first chapter on the birth of the Dharmasvamin in Tibet.
1. In 1216 A. D., see Blue Annals, II, p. 1056.
2. Sa-skya Partita Kun-dga* rgyal-mtshan, 1182-1251.
3. Tshul-$es byams-dpal, b. 1173. Sec, Blue Annals , II, pp. 708-10.
4. Myafi-stod, See, Blue Annals II, p. 1057.
5. The title Bodhisatva is used for living Buddhist monks in Tibet;
it no longer possesses there the technical meaning of Bodhisatva cither in the
Hinayltna or in the MahaySna Buddhism.
6. Gro-luft-pa mDo-sde rgyal-mtshan.
7. Lha-btsun-pa gon-po-dpal, See Blue Annals II, p. 1057.
8. mNon-pa Kun-las-btus, Tg. 4054. '
CHAPTER II
SOJOURN IN NEPALA
When Dharmasvamin reached the innkeeper’s house in Nepala,
the latter told him to rest after his long journey. In the morning
he went out, but felt sad. In the evening, when he came to a
crossing, he again felt sad and had an urge to meet the Guru
without delay. On his return to the inn, he told the innkeeper
that he was going. “Well, go ?”, said the latter. He then
visited the Guru Ratnarakshita 1 2 3 at the Svayambhu-chaitya,*
and offered the Guru a well-made bell. The Guru exclaimed,
“an excellent 8 vajraghantd (a bell surmounted by a vajra) V
The Dharmasvamin thought, “What does he mean by saying
an excellent vqjraghanta when I presented him with a bell ?”
The Dharmasvamin explained that in Nepala and India 4 * a bell
surmounted by a vajra was called vajraghantd . A bell without
a handle (lit. without head) which one attached to the neck of
horses and bullocks, was called simply ghanld , or bell (dril-bu).
When the Dharmasvamin presented the bell to the Guru, the
latter had about three hundred bells received as offerings . 6 At
that time six Tibetans, including the kalydna-mitra (priest) sTon-
grags and others, were being initiated, but there was no one
among them with a knowledge of the Indian language. So the
Dharmasvamin had to act as interpreter, and obtained five
initiations, such as the bDe-mchog-lha-bcu-gsum-ma (The
Thirteen Deities of the Samvara Cycle ), 6 and others. “I was
grateful to him (i.e. the Guru), and he was grateful to mc\
said the Dharmasvamin. At the Svayambhu-chaitya 7 there was
1. Rin-chen-’tsho.
2. 'Phags-pa Sih-kun.
3. pha-la, pha-la bhal&.
4. Lho-Bal, i.t*. Nepala and thr country south of Nrp&la- India.
It is interesting to observe that in the North-Eastern Frontier Area
of Assam, Tibetan bells surmounted by a vajra are still used as currency.
6. bDe-mchog-lha-bcu-gsum-ma, is the name of a rite. There exist several
Stifch initiations belonging to the Samvara Cycle. For example, bDc-mchog-
lha-dgu.
7. Thags-pa Sih-kun.
54
BIOGRAPHY OF DH ARMAS VAMIN
[CH.
a monastery . 1 At that time the Guru Ratnarakshita had comple-
ted the erection of several holy images and was preparing the site
lor the consecration ceremony. The Dharmasvamin having
come, the Guru (Ratnarakshita) was pleased, and exclaimed
“Wonderful 2 3 is Tibet ! A man like you was born in Tibet !”
He obtained many religious instructions, such as the Guhyasamdja
according to the method of Nagarjuna (’Phags-skor) and the
Vajravali (-nama-matidalasadhanaY from the Maha-pandita Ravl-
ndradeva , 4 5 who was an ufidsaka 5 endowed with foreknowledge . 6 7
He listened on three occasions to the exposition of the mDo-
rgyud-rtogs-pa-bsdus-pa T ( Sutratantrakalpcisamgraha ). Though
the Pandita had told him that that much was unnecessary, the
Dharmasvamin again requested him, and the Pandita became
pleased, and said, “You are one who will benefit many
sentient beings” ! In Nepaia, in the Vihara (gtsug-lag-khan)
of Bu-kham, there was a miraculous image of Avalokitesvara
made of sandal wood, of red colour, in the aspect of a five-year
old boy. This Arya Bu-kham was very famous throughout
India. In Tibet (on the contrary ) the Svayambhu-chaitya was
very famous. On the eighth day of the middle autumn month
this image of the Arya of Bu-kham is taken out and offerings are
made to it, and a great spectacle takes place. In general, people
make offerings to the image and especially the king and the
wealthy people 8 , and all invite the image to their homes and
present offerings to it, which consist of the five sacrificial subs-
1. chos-gshi.
2. a-ti-pha-la, “wonderful, excellent” atibhala. Bhadanta Anand
Kausalyayan tells me that th * use of ati with Bald is rather irregular, but not
impossible in a border region, such as the Nepala-Tibetan borderland. The
expression bhdla In is found in the text of the Life of Atlsa (S. C. Das, “Indian
Pandits in Tibet”, J. of the Buddhist Text Soc. of India , Vol. I, I. Gulcutta,
P’ Uj)-
3. dKyil-’khor-gyi-cho-ga rDo-rje-phreri-ba-shes-bya-ba, Tg. rGyud,
3140.
4. Ni-ma’i-dbari-po’i-lha.
5. dge-bsri.*n, lay-brother.
6. miion-ses, abhijh. *
7. mD^-rgyus-rtogs-pa-bsdus-pa’i-sgron-ma, See Cordier, Catalogue,
rGyud, LXXV.87. ,
8. bha-ro from vari?htha. I am grateful to Dr. A. S. AJtekar for this
suggestion.
SOJOURN IN NEPALA
55
H]
tances\ such as curds 1 2 , milk' 5 , raw-sugar 4 , honey , 3 and sugar 6 .
They pour these substances over the head of the image and then
bathe it, the water and victuals are then consumed ( by the
people). Thus they worship for half a month. Through these
ablutions, the bright vermiilion red paint (of the image) is washed
away. Then on the seventh day of the next month, young
Tantrics called han-du , 7 holding in their hands fly-wisks and
musical instruments, invite the image back to the temple amidst
a great spectacle. On the eighth day (of the month ) they again
paint the image with red dye, said the Dharmasvamin. The
Dharmasvamin explained that these were the offerings (dan a ) of
the five essences 8 mentioned in the third chapter of the
i\ f adhyamika-Ra in aval l . 9
Further, in Nepala there is a Vihara called Thaiii, also
called the “First Vihara’’ 10 , or the “Upper Vihara” 11 . (In this
Vihara) there was a Stupa on which every evening a light appear-
ed which was observed by the Venerable Lord (Jo-bo-rje, Atlsa )
who inquired of all, “What was it ?”, but they did not know;
only an old woman remarked, “This must be the coloured dust 12
after the erection of the mandala by the Buddha Kasyapa .” 13
The Lord (Atlsa) then erected a temple to worship it. In
front of this Stupa, there is a golden image of Sakyamuni. It
is called the Lord Abhayadana 14 . The Indians call this sacred
place Dharmadhatuvihara . 15
In the monastery there was an abbot's seat gilded and adorned
with pearls, (for the erection of which) eighty ounces of natural
1. bdud-rtsi-lna.
2. sho.
3. ? o-ma.
4. sbraii. This word belongs to the Kharns dialect. C-f. bu-rain.
5. sbrari-tsi.
6. ka ra.
7. haft-du, personal name.
8. snifl-po-lna.
9. dbU-ma rin-chen phreft-ba, Ratnavall, Kajaparikatharat naval!
(mala), Tg. sPrin-yig, No. 4158.
# io. Ka-pa’i-gtsug-lag-khan.
1 1 . Gon-gl-lha-khan.
12. rdul-tshon.
t 13. ’Od-srufts.
14. Jo-bo Mi-’jig-pa-sbyin-pa.
56 LIFE OF DHARMASVAMIN [CH.
gold were used, besides the other four kinds of ornaments. The
founder (of the monastery) invited the Guru to occupy the seat
and honoured him. From then till the present time the religious
rites are properly observed (in the rfionastery ) . The Dharma-
svamin said that he did not stay there, but resided at the Svayam-
bhu-chaitya because there was a monastery there. The Dharma-
svamin quoted the passage from the Ratnavall 1 (ascribed to
Nagarjuna) which began with the words, “For the Holy Doc-
trine and the recitation of the Doctrine, the excellent honouring
of you, and ”. Again the Guru said, that he, being the
son of a Tantric, thought that magic was necessary, and therefore
wrote on about five pieces of paper the imprecation (han-shags)
known as ma-lo-pa-tra, etc. Later the sheets became blank.
At that time he studied many Pi takas but the thought about the
futility of imprecations did not occur to him. When he visited
the Guru Ravlndra, he realized the futility of imprecations.
The Dharmasvamin remarked, “Great was the grace of the Guru,
the imprecations became unnecessary.” He stayed in Nepal
for eight full years. The Guru said that at that time he feared
that even in India there was no one learned in Grammar . 2
The second chapter about the Guru Chaglo-tsa-va’s
coming to Nepala.
1. Rin chen pheft-ba.
sgra, vy&karaga.
2 .
CHAPTER III
JOURNEY TO TIRHUT
When the Dharmasvamin was about to start for India, many
scholars, including Khro-phu-pa and Sa-skya-pa, with the excep-
tion of gTsari-pa Gye-re and the Guru Ravindra, entreated him
not to go, as there might be an accident to his life. Gy e-re- ba
said, “Even if you were to go to India, there will be no accident !”
Ravindra said, “There will be no danger, even if you were to
go to India \ We. father and son (i.e. the Guru and the disciple),
shall meet again !” And so it happened. The Dharmasvamin
said that these two Gurus were endowed with foreknowledge. 1
His attendant having died in Nepala, the Dharmasvamin proceed-
ed alone without attendant. The Dharmasvamin wrote in a
letter that “on the way from Central Tibet (dbUs) to India when
1 had to struggle alone without attendant; even though wild men
(mi-rgod) were numerous, brigands never molested me on the
road. This also was due to the grace of the Upadhyaya, the
great Dharmasvamin.” 2
The Dharmasvamin said that on the way from Nepala to
India there were three mountain ranges one called RishiSIrsha
parvata 3 which means “Lofty Summit”, 4 * or “Big Head”, 6 and
(two) others. Now, having left the country where Nepali
was spoken, he came to a country where Indian was spoken.
The name of the place which he had reached was Tirliut. 4
At its widest point, three months were needed to cross (the country )
from one border to the other ; at its narrowest point,
(the distance) was equal to twenty stages (nin-lam). While
travelling with his companion IDan-ma Tshul-khrims sen-ge,
a native of Khams, a woman of low caste behaved impudently
(towards them). The Dharmasvamin fled and thus escaped,
i. mfton-ics, abhijftS.
# 2. The Elder Dharmasvamin dGra-bcom.
3. Draft-srofi-gi-ri U-si-ra.
4. rTsc-mthon,
1 V mGo-bo-che.
6. Ti-ra-hu-ti.
58 biography of dharmasvamin [c h.
but Tshul-khrims seri-ge had his arm broken by the girl. The
Dharmasvamin added that at that time Tshul-khrims seri-ge
kept his vows and this acted as a strong antidote, but that later
he broke his vows, and died. He was a* raga-nisrita which means
“addicted to passions” 1 in Tibetan. He had an attack of Indian
fever and died. The Dharmasvamin who was a ragdnisrita ,
or “one not addicted to passions”, having strictly kept his vows,
did not die.
In Tirhut, said the Dharmsvamin, in the south-west direc-
tion from the road, there was a sugar-cane grove 2 of dark green
colour, greener than the other (groves). Raw sugar (bu-ram)
used to come from there.
In this country there was a town called Pa-ta s which had
some 600,000 houses and was surrounded by seven walls (lcags-
ri). The height of these walls was about equal to that of a
Tibetan fort. 4 Outside of the town walls stood the Raja’s
palace which had eleven large gates and was surrounded by
twenty one ditches filled with water and rows of trees. There
were three gates facing each direction, East, West, and South,
and two gates facing North. I did not see the two northern
gates, but the others had bridges in front of them. In front of
the bridges guards were stationed, more than ten archers at each
bridge. These protective measures were due to the fear of the
Turushkas, or Gar-logs 5 who during the year had led an army
(against the town), but failed to reach it. It was also said that
there were three men experts in swordmanship 6 . The Raja
owned a she-elephant.”
The Dharmasvamin joined a party of some three hundred
men. There were also sixteen others going to Vajrasana. The
Dharmasvamin’s companion from Nepala who was taking his
1. Vlod-chags-la-bsten-pa. 2. bu-ram-sift-gi-nags-tshal.
3. Patala. This is identical with Simraong^rh, the capital of the Karnatl
kings, whose population and dimensions arc exaggerated in the text.
4. Bod-kyi-mkhar.
5. Gar-log-Qarluq, name of a Central Asian Turkish tribe.This is the
usual Tibetan translation of the Sanskrit Turushka. About the Gar-log
in Tibetan literature, see, H. Hoffmann, “Die Qarluq in cer Tibetaischen ■ Liter aVur ”,
ORIENS, III, 2, 1950, pp. 190-208. ;
6. ral-skor.
7. mu-stegs-pa, Sanskrit : tirthaka .
II]
JOURNEY TO TIRHUT
59
father’s ashes to be immersed in the Gariga, said that they were
non-Buddhists taking (their) fathers’ ashes to the river Gahga
in order to purify the fathers’ sins, and all expressed surprise.
In the town of Pa-ta , 1 the Dharmasvamin and his four
companions went in search of provisions, and tarried there for
some time. Some of the Dharmasvamin’s companions were
overcome by fatigue and stayed behind, and later were not to
be found on the road. Near a river, a boatman refused to ferry
the Dharmasvamin and his companions across. As it was getting
dark and there were many bamboos along the road, they cut
with their knives some bamboos and made torches out of them . 2
The Dharmasvamin said that on the way he got a splinter into his
foot and got it out with the help of a needle. Then a large bamboo
splinter ripped off’ a piece of skin of the size of the palm of his foot,
and he bled profusely. Inspite of this, the Dharmasvamin
having taken a bamboo torch in his hand, proceeded to the town
to inquire about his companions (whom they had left on the road).
After inquiring here and there, the Dharmasvamin was able to
find them about midnight. Some had fallen asleep, others
could not sleep and were in distress.
On the follwoing day the Dhrmasvamin agreed to join
a company of three hundred who were looking for companions.
On the follwoing day they left the place and after covering
several stages, they met a man who told them that a buffalo 3
had killed the day before three men and that it was dangerous
to continue the journey to-day. During the journey, the
Dharmasvamin and his two faithful companions used to walk
in the middle of the party of three hundred, neither to the front,
nor behind. Then suddenly those who were walking in the
front, fled away on seeing a cloud of dust (which appeared on the
road). It was the buffalo who the day before had killed three
men. Of black colour, breathing heavily and raising dust with
its feet, the animal was ready to charge with lowered horns.
%
1. Patala.
2. ms-sgron. This is still the general custom in the remote villages of
India.
3. ma-hefrom mahishi.
60 BIOGRAPHY OF DHARMASVXMTN [CH.
The hair on the animal’s belly reaching the ground, it seemed
to be square-shaped. When looking at it from a distance, it
was as if rain was lashing one’s face. The Dharmasvamin said
that “ma-hes” meant wild yak 1 in Tibetan, and that there was no
corresponding word in another language. Though the danger
from the buffalo was great, the Dharmasvamin assured the
protection of the party, and the animal without attacking, disap-
peared into the jungle. Thus they travelled for ninety stages and
reached the non-Buddhist kingdom of Tirhut.
The third chapter on the Journey to Tirhut.
*y»?*rfOc.
CHAPTER IV
STAY AT VAlSALI
*
From there at a distance of six stages lies the uninhabitated
border of Vaisali (Yans:pa-can). There lies the mountain
range Rishisirsha-parvata, also called the “Lofty Summit ”, 1 or
“Big Head ”. 2 Except for dangerous dacoits.* one is within
reach of the town (of Vaisali). At its narrowest part the country
of VaiSali (can be covered) in eight stages, and at its widest
part twenty stages. There exists a miraculous 4 stone image
of the AryaTara with her head and body turned towards the left,
foot placed flat, and the right foot turned sideways, the right hand
in the vara-mudra 5 and the left hand holding the symbol of the
Three Jewels in front of the heart. The image was known to
be endowed with great blessing, and the mere beholding of the
goddess’ face relieved devotees from distress.
When they had reached the city of Vaisali , 6 they were told
that the inhabitants were in a state of great commotion and
panicstricken because of rumours (about the arrival) of
Turushka 7 troops.
That night the Dharmasvamin saw in his dream the country
of Vajarasana and conversed with Chag lo-tsa-ba, the
Elder. Now to quote from the A-nu-pra-sa-la rje-su-bskyaris-pa*i
rgyan, Slokas (verses) composed by the Dharmasvamin himself
in memory of his Guru’s grace,
“Though companions were numerous ,and
Notwithstanding the peril from the Turu$hka soldiery,
And the danger from the wild buffalo.
1 . rTse-mthon.
2 . mGo- bo-che .
3. si-skyid-kyi jag-pa, lit. ‘‘death is pleasure” i.e. “dead is better
than an encounter with them.”
4. raii-byon.
* 5. mchog-sbyin. Both forms Vard-mudrd and Varadd • mudrd are in use in
Tibet.
6. Yafls-pa-can.
7. Gar-log.
62 BIOGRAPHY OF DHARMASVAMIN [CH.
Through the Guru’s miraculous powers.
Unhindered I beheld the Vajrasana.
This was due to the grace of Upadhyaya, the great
Dharmassvamin.”
What was meant by the above Sloka ? The story of the peril
irom the wild buffalo was told in the chapter on Tirhut. And
what was maent by the w r ords, “ beheld the Vajrasana through
the miraculous power” ? When the Guru was preaching during
the autumn term 1 at the great monastery of Thah-po-che , 2
he showed him the Slokas on the upper floor of the ecclesiastic
palace. “Did you write this ?” inquired the Guru.” I wrote
it some five years ago at lTe’u-ra”, said he. The Guru then
explained the meaning (of the Slokas).
The Dharrnasvamin said that “when they had reached
the city of Vaisall, all the inhabitants had fled at dawn from fear
of the Turushka soldiery. A fellow guest inquired ’ “when shall
we flee ?” When the three hundred fellow travellers were pre-
paring to go, I had a dream that I had gone to Vajrasana and that
the Dharmsvamin, the Elder, had also gone there and had opened
with his staff' the doors of the temple, saying , “ Son, look
well at these ! Do not be afraid \ Come here ! ” On awakening,
I felt a pleasant sensation in my heart.
Then at daybreak all the inhabitants of Vaisall fled away,
but I did not flee. A companion said, “Well, I also shall stay
and stayed behind. Because we three stayed behind, one of the
guests also stayed behind. At sunrise, when I came out into the
street in front of the door, a female lay-supporter was seen
staying in the street ; the guests (of the inn) inquired,” Do you
have some pleasant news to tell us ?” The woman said, “The sol-
diery left for Western India.” All rejoiced and some people
said that “the woman must have been the goddess Tara herself”,
and saying this the Dharrnasvamin himself smiled.
The Fourth chapter relating the vision of the Vajrasana
in a dream at Vaisall.
1. ston-chos.
2. in Yar - kluns.
CHAPTER V
VISIT TO AND * ACCOUNT OF VAJR&SANA
Southwards from the border of Vaisali, at a distance of eight
stages, lies Vajrasana. There is also the river Gaixga. The river
flows from west to east. Having started early in the morning,
one did not reach (the opposite bank of the river?) till evening.
There were two ferry boats which had the appearance of boxes,
and were tied together with ropes. They could carry about
three hundred passengers. In the river there were sea-monsters 1
called iiakra (crocodile), of the size of a yak. Somethimes these
crocodiles caused the boats to sink, sometimes they snatched
away passengers from inside the boats, and carried them away in
their mouths. Great was the danger !
Across the Gariga lies the country of Magadha. In Tibetan
the word means “holding that which became the centre ”. 2
Madhya mean “middle ” 3 and “ ga-ti ” “becoming ”. 4 5 Dharayalv *
mean “holding ”. 6 This country stretches from Vajrasana towards
the four quarters to a distance of sixty Yojanas , 7 and is the
very centre of the World. The “middle” as explained in the
Doctrine, is that “where there is study, reflection, and
meditation .” 8 9 A border region is characterized by the absence
of study, etc.
The Vajrasana is situated in the sourthern part of Magadha
called the South (Dakshina). There lay the Vulture Peak,®
Nalanda, Rajagriha 10 11 and Veluvana. 1 *
1. chu-srin.
2. dbus-gryur-’chan.
3. dbus.
4. gyur-pa.
5. Read ; dharayati.
6. ’chaii-ba.
7. dpag-tshad.
» 8. thos-bsam-sgom-gsum, the three duties of a Buddhist.
9. Gridhraku$a, Bya-rgod-phun-po’i-ri.
10. rOyal -po’i-khab.
1 1 . *Od-ma*i«tshal.
64 BIOGRAPHY OF DHARMASVAMIN [OH.
Vikramasila was still existing in the time of the Elder Dhar-
masvamin 1 2 and the Kashmir Pandita*, but when the Dharma-
svamin visited the country there were no traces of it left, the
Turushka soldiery having razed it to the ground, and thrown
the foundation stones into the Ganga.
At the time of the Dharmasvamih’s visit to Vajrasana, the
place was deserted and only four monks were found staying
(in the Vihara). One (of them) said, “It is not good ! All
have fled from fear of the Turushka soldiery”. They blocked
up the door in front of the Mahabodhi image- with bricks and
plastered it. Near it they placed another image as a substitute.
They also plastered the outside door (of the temple). On its
surface they drew the image of Mahesvara in order to protect it
from non-Buddhists. The monks said, “We five do not dare to
remain here and shall have to flee.” As the day’s stage was
long and the heat great, said the Dharmasvamin, they felt tired,
and as it became dark, they remained there and fell asleep.
Had the Turushkas come, they would not have known it.
At daybreak they fled towards the North following the rut
of a cart, and for seventeen days the Dharmasvamin did not
see the face of the image (i. e. the Mahabodhi image). At
that time also a woman appeared, who brought the welcome news
that the Turushka soldiery had gone far away.
Then the Dharmasvamin returned to Vajrasana, and stayed
there worshipping and circumnambulating the image of Maha-
bodhi.
One day it was reported that the Raja was to come out of the
forest (where he had fled on the arrival of the Turushka soldiery).
The Raja was a descendant of Raja Devasthira , 3 who belonged to
the family of the Lord’s maternal uncle, and was called Buddha-
sena , 4 and was the ruling Raja of Magadha, residing at Vajra-
sana. When the Raja was coming out of the forest, the Dharma-
svamin and his four parivrdjaka (monk) companions happened
1 . Ghag dGra-bcom ; he lived from 1153-1216.
2 . Kha-che pan-chcn Sakyasribhadra, 1 1 45- 1 225 A. D.
3. Lha-brtan.
4. Saiis-rgyas-sde.
V]
VISIT TO AND ACCOUNT OF VAJRASANA
65
to be on the road. The Raja was riding an elephant. The side
of the animal was one fathom 1 in length and its height equal
to that of a middle-sized house. The Raja was sitting in a
haudd 2 ornamented with iv&ry and jewels, and was wearing a
turban 3 of white silk ornamented with various jewels. The Raja
was surrounded by five hundred soldiers armed with swords,
lances and arrows, pointing them upwards towards the sky. Two
men led the elephant by its nose with the help of iron hooks.
As soon as the Raja had noticed the Dharmasvamin and his
four companions in the distance, he took off his silk turban,
and a thought occurred to the Dharmasvamin, “What would
the Raja do next ?” On reaching the place where the Dharma-
svamin was standing, the men haltcd*(thc elephant) by pulling
at the root of the elephant’s trunk with the iron hooks, and five
attendants assisted the Raja to alight from the elephant with the
help of a rope-ladder, 4 fixed on the side (of the elephant ) . The
Raja greeted the Dliarmsvamin and his four companions with
the words, “Salutation to the son of the Buddha ?” 5 And the
Dharmasvamin remarked, ’’“Such a great Indian Raja saluting
a religious mendicant ! Tibetans are like cattle, and do not
understand it !”
At Vajrasana there arc many wonders and numerous excep-
tionally holy objects of worship, 5 such as the Bodhi-tree, 7 the
image of Mahabodhi, the Gandhola erected by the Dharmaraja
Asoka, the corner-tooth of the Tathagata, the two foot-prints of
the Blessed One on the empty stone throne of Sakyamuni of
the ’Phrul-snaii Temple of Tibet, the stone railing 8 erected bv
Arya Nagarjuna, and the Temple of the Tara known as the
Taravihara.
1. *dom.
2 For haudd the author uses khri, or “seat, throne”.
3. prog-shu.
4. ’bren-thag-gi-skas.
5. Ra-hu-la he bandha-na. i.c. he Rahula vandanam ; here Rahula is
used in the sense of a son of the Buddha, a Buddhist monk. The sentence is
translated into Tibetan -Kyc Jo-bo-la phyag-’tshal-lo. “Salutation to the Mas-
ter ” *ln the Buddhist Vinaya a monk is often called Sakyaputra son of
S&kya.
6. rten.
*7. Bodhivrksa, byati - chub-kyi sin.
8* rdo’i-dra-mtg.
66
BIOGRAPHY OF DHARMASVAMIN
[on.
(Among the wonders to be seen at Vajrasana) there was
the blowing of the conch by the Nagaraja. To the east of
Vajrasana there was a hole of the size of a human head in the
wall of a small building where clay* votive offerings 1 were kept.
When early in the morning at sunrise, one placed one’s ear
against it, one could hear a sound similar to that of a conch,
and this heralded the advent of the hot season, said the Dharma-
svamin.
At the foot of the Bodhi-tree, the Great Muni having spread
a mat made of Kusa grass and using the tree trunk as support,
attained Supreme Enlightenment. In this Bhadrakalpa all the
Thousand Buddhas attained Supreme Enlightenment at the foot
of this tree. The Gandhola of Vajrasana is called in Tibetan
either Gandhakuti , 2 or the Pinnacle. 3 It was erected by the
Dharmaraja Asoka and is 35 cubits in height. It can clearly
be seen from a distance of two stages. 4 The Dharmasvamin
said that its pinnacle 5 of glittering white looked like a flame
and that it shone like a shield placed flat on the ground in sun-
shine. In front of the eastern door of the Gandhola there
were three (covered) passages. 6
Behind it, at the foot of the Bodhi-tree and supported by
its two trunks was the symbol of the Visva-vajra, 7 8 half a.yojana
in size indicating the site of the Vajrasana. In the centre 6
of this Vajra grows the Bodhi-tree. The looking after the two
tree trunks is entrusted to the Eastern Temple of the Dharma-
raja Asoka. The tree stands inside a fort-like structure, surround-
ed on the South, West and North by a brick- wall; it has pointed
leaves of bright green colour. Having opened a door, one
sees a large trench 9 at the foot of the Bodhi-tree, which is covered
1 . tsha-tsha.
2. Dri’i-gtsan-khan.
3. dbu-rtsc, sikhara.
4. P. nin-lam.
5 P a - lc °B-
6. khyams-khrag, Skt. Chart krama
7. rdo-rje-rgya-gram .
8. Itc-ba. Accrording to most of the Tibetan mahatuyas (gnas-yig)
a gigantic vi$va-vajra occupied the centre of Vajrasana ’ (BuddhagayS ),
and was said to have been built by devas. The Bodhi-tree grew in its ccntuc.
9. skyon-ma.
V] VISIT TO AND ACCOUNT OF VAJRASANA 67
by the Vajra and has the sh'ape of a basin ; the two tree trunks
seem to grow out of it. The devotees worship (the Bodhi-tree)
with curds, milk and perfumes, such as sandal wood, camphor, 1
etc. They bring the offerings from afar in vessels, and pour
them out into (the trench). Thus they worship the Bodhi-tree
and keep it constantly moist.
The face of the Mahabodhi image inside the Gandhola is
two cubits, i.e. 36” in height . One is never satiated to behold such
an image, ana has no desire to go and behold another. The
Dharmasvamin said that even people with little faith when
standing in front of the image felt it impossible not to shed tears.
This manifested image or nirmana-kaya was endowed with the
power of bestowing great blessing. As said in the Sutrdlamkara — 2
“The make, the birth, and Enlightenment ”,
there are three kinds of manifested bodies; 3 fashioned images,
such as painted images, etc.’ manifested bodies incarnating in
sentient beings, such as birds and deer, 4 and the highest form
of manifested body, manifested in the twelve deeds 5 . Self-
manifested images 6 belong to the (class) of fashioned images.
It is said that the image was erected by a young son of a
Brahmara some eighty years after the Nirvana of the Buddha.
According to this story, once, when three brothers were playing
together, the youngest boy began crying and ran to his mother
who enquired about the cause, and the child said, “My two elder
brothers believe in non-Buddhists and so have erected a non-
Buddhist temple. They told me that the Buddhists were not good,
but that the non-Buddhists were good, and thus hurt me.” The
mother said, “You, three brothers, should not quarrel ! At
the foot of Northern Snow Mountains, 7 there is an image
of the god Mahesvara 8 of the non-Buddhists; go and ask the god
1. ga-pur.
2 . A falulydna - S ill rdlamkara , ed. S. 1-6 vi, vol. 1 (Sanskrit text) p. 26.
Trmiham nirm inam Si Ip ik arm as t ha nan irm anarh / vineyavaiena yathe fopapattish-
nirmdnadi j utt'imani r mdnani cha 7 ~ m hitabhavaruv auidikarfi
3. ^Nirmana-kaya.
4. 4a-ram-bha farabha.
5. mdzad-pa bcu-gfiis.
6. rafi-byon.
7! Himalayas.
8. dBati-phyug-chcn-po.
68
BIOGRAPHY OF DHARMASV AMIN
[CH.
which doctrine is better, that of the non-Buddhists, or that of
the Buddhists.” The three brothers then said, “We cannot
reach there !” The mother said, “I have some ointment which
imparts swiftfootedness”, and havidg put some of it on the boy’s
feet, she sent them off. Along the road, they saw many Buddhist
monks 1 who asked the boys where they were going. The boys
replied that they were going to worship Mahesvara.
The two elder boys were filled with doubt and thought,
“It seems the Buddhists are better ! ” The younger boy thought,
“the Buddhists are better”, and rejoiced at the thought. They
asked Mahesvara, and the god said, “I have eight Protectors of the
World . 2 I possess whatever is needed in this life.” When they
(the boys) asked, “What was to be done in the next life ?” Mahc-
Svara replied, “I know of no way to help, you should honour
Buddhist monks .” 3 The three brothers inferred from that that
the Siddhanta of the Buddhists was better. After they had
returned into the presence of their mother, she said, “I knew
beforehand that the Buddhists were better, but because the two
elder ones did not wish to listen, I sent you there.” The boys
entered a Buddhist monastery. Each of them erected an object
of worship . 4 The eldest boy erected a Vihara at Rajagriha , 5 6
which became known as the Vihara of Veluvana . 4 The middle
one erected a Vihara to the west of it at Varanasi, which be-
came known as the Vihara of the Dharmachakrapravartana . 7
The youngest boy thought, “I did not get the best of the paternal
inheritance. My two elder brothers are more influential. I
was born the youngest.” Said the mother, “You should not get
displeased J The best of the three shares is the seat under the
Bodhi tree, and this you get ! Place an image on that seat,
facing towards the East.” Then the youngest son thought,
“Whom shall I entrust with the making of the image, and of what
1 . band e-vandya.
2. Lokesvara, ’jig-rten-gyi dbari-phyug.
3. nari-pa’i ban-de «
4. rten.
5. rGyal-po’i-khab.
6 . ’O-ma’i-tshal. r
7. Chos-kyi ’khor-lo bskor-ha’i gtsug-lag-khafi
V] VISIT TO AND ACCOUNT OF VAJR ASANA 69
material the image should be made?” In (his) dream he
received the following indication, “The material (should consist
of three parts), one of precious substances, such as gold, etc.,
one of fragrant substances 1 such as camphor , 2 etc., one part
(should consist) of sandal ointment . 3 Place the three parts inside
the Gandhola. Further, the sandal known as Gosirsha is found
on the banks of the river Niranjana. Look for it in the sand-
hollows (pith). During seven days do not let anyone enter inside
the (Gandhola). The image will appear (by itself). There
is no need of an image-maker !” (The youngest son) having
been told that the sandal wood was to be found in the sand,
searched for it, but did not find it, and was much afflicted.
'The mother said, “I forgot to tell you that you will find it in a
hollow where an elephant had laid down.” FJephants tormented
by heat are attracted by the scent (of the sandal) and are in
the habit of lying down on it. Having obtained whatever he
required from such a hollow, after seven days some one said
that it should be opened before the indicated time . The mother
said that it should not be opened before the indicated time, and
remarked, “Now, since there is no one else except me who had
seen the face of the Buddha, it is for me to see whether (the image)
is like Him, or not. Others will not be able to determine it !
At the age of twenty I had taken the vows of a lay-devotee 4 in
the presence of the Fully Enlightened Buddha ! I am to pass
away at the age of hundred”. Without listening to the mother’s
words, they opened the door a day before the indicated time,
and they found that except for the little toe of the right foot,
the image had formed itself. The mother said, “In general, the
likeness is great, but it has four distinct peculiarities, whereas
the nshnisha (on the Lord’s head) was not visible, it is visible
(on the image.). It does not show one of the four postures 5 !
Whereas (the Lord) was preaching the Law, this (image)
does not preach. Whereas (The Loid’s body) was endowed
I. flri-bzaii.
a. ga-pur.
3. tsan-dan-gyi-ldc-gu.
4. upasika, dge-bsflen-ma.
5! spyod-lamh hi; sitting, lying, standing and walking.
yo
BIOGRAPHY OF DHARMASVAMIN
[CH-
with lustre, this (image) is not endowed to such an extent. Except
for these four (peculiarities), it is similar to the Buddha Himself.”
The Mother was (a manifestation) of the Arya Tara. She
presented an emerald , 1 out of which they fashioned the eyes
of the image. It is told that the precious stone which was
inserted between the eyebrows (of the image) emitted such
light that formerly one was able to read at dusk. A Turushka 2
soldier having placed a ladder climbed up and pulled the stones
out. They say that while coming down the ladder, the soldier
fell and the two eyes (of the image) were broken into bits. The
brilliance (of the stone) by which one could read, then grew dim.
The Dharmasvamin said that “even now there was a beautiful 3
white glow.”
The courtyard, comprising the three (covered) passages,
(< chankrama ), the Gandhola temple, and the Bodhi-tree, were
surrounded by a circular stone railing , 4 similar to the wall built
by Acharya Nagarjuna. The open spaces between the railings
could accomodate a young Tibetan In llock, and the thickness
of the stones was equal to that of a middle sized Tibetan column.
It was so well built that a mad bull could not destroy it. Its top
was covered by a stone netting, and the foundation was well
built up with stones. There was also a circular passage . 6 The
stone work of the foundation was easy to sweep, polished and did
not require any plastering.
Inside the court-yard there were twenty stone pillars.
All the stones were well fashioned and did not show any clefts.
The stones were ornamented with different figures, such as leaves,
etc. The Dharmasvamin said that the word “ pair a ” (in Sanskrit)
was used to denote a painting, or ornament. The Dharmasva-
min also said that the stones were anointed with a fragrant subs-
tance brought from the Naga region and that the plaster brought
by Yakshas 6 emitted a perfume. The Dharmasvamin said that
1. mar-gad, from marakafa .
2. Gar-leg.
VJ VISIT TO AND ACCOUNT OF VAJRASANA 7 1
inside the court-yard stood the empty throne of Sakyamuni of
the Thrul-snari (temple) of Tibet which was worshipped, and an
eternal offering lamp was kept in front of it. In India and
Nepala 1 people used to say that in Tibet by the mere seeing of
the face of Sakyamuni people were saved from going to Hell.
The Dharmasvamin also said that at Vajrasana a corner-
tooth of the Tathagata Sakyamuni was preserved in a golden
relic-holder. 2 On auspicious occasions the relic-holder with the
tooth was brought out (lit. invited) to the court-yard and placed
on a large flat stone which had the shape of a lotus leaf. They
sprinkled on it sweet water mixed with the three “white ones” 3
(curds, milk and butter), honey, and sugar. 4 The water which
accumulated below' the stone was collected below the court-yard
into numerous brass vessels and was then used both for bathing
and drinking. The Dharmasvamin said that w r hen the tooth
was being carried, it used to increase (in size) from the top
and from below.
At Vajrasana there are also the foot-prints 5 of the Mahamuni.
Formerly, a thought occured to the Fully Enlightened Buddha
whether in future times those sentient beings of sharp intellect,
who had mastered the Scriptures® and disciplined their faculities,
would be able, or not to appear as Buddha in the World ?” and
doubt was produced in his mind. In order to remove this doubt.
He made the two imprints of His feet on the stone. This stone
exists even nowadays. The stone, which is flat and square in
shape, is situated in front of the inner gate, on this side of the large
offering lamp placed outside the eastern gate of the court-yard.
On each (of the four) sides it is three cubits in width and one
span 7 in height, and five fingerwidth 8 of the (hand) of the Dharma-
i . LhoBal.
а. ga’u
3. dkar-gsum.
4. The five objects of worship mentioned here are slightly different from
those on p. 55. Here butter is substituted for raw sugar. There is often a slight
variation of this nature.
Shabs-rjes.
б . gsun-rab.
7. Mthe.
1 8. phyag-scr.
72
BIOGRAPHY OF DHARMASVAMIN
f CII .
svamin-lotsava. The foot-prints are four spans 1 2 in length
and four-fi nger-width (inches) in depth. The stone is very
hard, of white colour, and has a rough surface. Having made
the two imprints, the Bodhisattva meditated on the Void 3 in
front of the Bodhi-tree and obtained Buddha-hood.
Formerly it was intended to build a chapel 3 over the foot-
prints but learned Panditas were of the opinion that if a chapel
were built, it would require a door and a sacristan 4 who would
ask renumeration (from worshippers), and the number of devotees
(those who would come to see the foot-prints) would become
less, and thus a chapel was not built.
Further, the Dharmasvamin said, there were the ruins of a
stone gate , 5 its upper part about two cubits in size, supported by
two stone pillars erected by the Acharya Hayaghosha . 6 People
going to fetch water for the ablution and anointing of the foot-
prints with medicated perfumes , 7 used to touch the gate with
their fore-heads, and thus secure blessing, and there was a mark
left on the stones.
Straight in front of the eastern gate, inside the wall
on the outside of (the stone) with the foot-prints, there was a
large offering lamp . 8 A flat stone of the size of a door was placed
on a stone pillar similar to a tree trunk, on the top of it was placed
a smaller stone, and on top of it another smaller stone, the arrange-
ment (of stones) being similar to the steps of a stupa; on top of
the pyramid was placed a row of offering lamps. At the head
of the row (of lamps) stood a large offering-lamp which used
to burn day and night, and could not be extinguished even
by a strong wind, and the sound made by the flickering of the
flame could be heard (from a distance). This offering lamp,
which was seen in line with the stone with the foot-prints, the
1. rntho.
2 . Sunyala.
3. rnchod-khan.
4. dkon-gficr.
5. rta-babs.
6. rTa-dbyafis, Aivaghosha. •
7. sman-gy:-dri.
8. mar-me’i-mchcxfsdoft.
9* baft-rims '
V) VISIT TO AND ACCOUNT OF VAJRASANA 73
court-yard, the image of the Mahabodhi, and the eastern gate,
was an object of worship.
On the outside, at the distance of an arrow shot, on each of
the sides of the square wall, there were three gates, the Eastern,
Western and Northern. In the dPun-bzari-gis shus-pa’i rgyud 1
it is said that “gates faced the East, North and West ; towards
the South there was never any gate.” Accordingly there was no
gate facing South in the great ancient Viharas of Tibet.
Inside the three great gates no one slept except the sacristans . 2
There are three hundred sacristans, natives of Ceylon , 3 who be-
long to the Sravaka 4 school ; others (schools ) have no such right.
In front of the central Northern Gate there is a Vihara.
In all, there are twelve Viharas. In each of the Viharas there
are about ten, or about six, or seven, or fifteen monks . 5 The
Dharmasvamin said that the monastic cells 6 had from the out-
side the shape of Stupas, and from the inside that of human dwel-
lings. They were painted in bright white colour and there
were a great many of them, according to Dharmasvamin.
The whitewash 7 was obtained from the river (in lumps) which
were similar in shape to the inside of a fish, according to Dharma-
svamin. After rain, the Stupas became whiter, and the rain
did not wash the paint off.
On the outskirts ofVajrasana there was a thick jungle.
When the Guru Dharmasvamin 8 * visited the Vajrasana-
Sarigha-vihara® carrying an Indian manuscript 10 11 of the Ashtasdha -
srikd-Prajndpdramita , n the keeper, a Sravaka , 1 2 enquired, “What
book is it? 4 ” The Dharmasvamin answered that it was the
1. *Phags pa dPuii-bxati-giss hus-pa shrs-bya-ba’i-rgyud,, Aryasubahu-
paripricchanamatarnra, Kg. B05.
а. dkon-gficr.
3 . Sift-gha-glifi-pa ,
4. fian-thos-pa.
5. pravrajikas.
б. grwa-khaik.
7. dkar-rtsi.
8. bLa-ma Chos-rj .
• q. rDo-rje-gdan-d gc-*d u n-gy i gtsug-lag-khari.
1 o. rGya-dpe-rGya-gar-gyi-dpe-cha.
1 1 . brGyad-ston-pa.
► 12. Nan-thos*pa.
74 BIOGRAPHY OF DHARMASVAMIN [CH.
Prnjndpdramitd. 1 The Sravaka said, “You seem to be a good
monk, but this carrying on your back of a Mahayana book is
not good. Throw it into the river !” He had to hide it. The
Sravaka said further, “The Buddha did not preach the Maha-
yana; it was enunciated by one called Nagarjuna, a man of sharp
intellect.” The Dharmasvamin worshipped an image which
was either that of Khasarpana 2 3 or that of Tara. Again, said the
sacristan, “You seem to be a good monk, but it is improper to
worship a house- holder.” 8
The sacristan then raised his hand according to the general
custom, and said “aroksha 4 5 ho” which means in Tibetan,
“May I be free from illness !” 6 When the Dharmasvamin
had performed one pradaks hind, they asked him, “Who he was ?”
and the Dharmasvamin replied, “Bhota ho”.i.e.“ I am a Tibetan’. 8
The attendants did not believe him, and thought that the Dharma-
svamin with his well-formed teeth and his knowledge of Sanskrit
must be an Indian. They said, “He is pretending ! He is
not a Tibetan ?” But one of the sacristans noticing the corns
on the toes of the Dharmasvamin’s feet, exclaimed, “Look, look !
Here are the marks of wearing boots ! These are found in Tibet !”
They then understood the Dharmasvamin to be a genuine
(Tibetan). They said, “How is it that one knowing so much
Sanskrit is found in Tibet ?” The Dharmasvamin replied that he
had studied it, but they laughed.
The Dharmasvamin spent the summer retreat of three months
at Vajrasana. At that time, the Dharmasvamin said, he acted
as interpreter for a group of monks speaking different dialects,
and they amassed tens of thousand of requisites, and having
satisfied their needs, left for their respective countries.
In Vajrasana there was a temple of the Tara. In it there was
a miraculous stone image of the goddess with her face looking
towards the outside of the temple. The sacristan once thought,
1. Pra-jna-paramita ho, Ses-rab-kyi-pha-rol-tu-phyin-pa yin.
2. AvalokiteSvara.
3. khyim-pa.
4. Skt. anga .
5. nad-med-par-gyur-shig.
6. Bod yin.
V] VISIT TO AND ACCOUNT OF VAJRASANA 75
‘‘This looking towards the outside while offerings arc made
inside (the temple) is not good.” “Well then”, said the goddess,
and turned her face inside (the temple). The image became
known as the “Tara with the turned face.” x Even now there is
a stone image. When the temple was visited by Jo-bo-rje, 2 3
the door of the temple opened by itself, and the Tara “with the
turned face” uttered the following words. “If one wishes to
proceed from the degree of a sentient being, n which represents
the Cause, to that of the Buddha, which is the Fruit, one
should purify the Bodhichitta.”
Also it is said that when a Sravaka teacher was carried
away by a river, and w r as certain to perish, he thought,
“In Mahayana there is one called Tara which saves people
from drowing,” and he cried out “Ary 5 Tara !” The
Tara appeared in the middle of the river, and said, “When you
were well, you did not remember me. Now when you
are in peril, you shout “Tara, Tara”, Get out !” and with
her right hand the goddess indicated to him the road, and the
water subsided upto (his) w’aist, and the man was saved. When
he looked up, he saw the goddess with her hand stretched out
standing in the river. Having manifested herself to many of
(his) companions, the goddess again changed into a stone image,
which was then brought (lit. ‘invited 1 ) to the Tara temple, and
is now installed in it, and is known by the name of the “Tara of
the River.” 4 5
There was also one called the “Laughing Tara,”*
a miraculous stone image with the right hand covering the face,
representing the goddess laughing defiantly at the Evil One,
when Mara attempted to harm the Enlightened One at the time
of the Supreme Enlightenment. Formerly, a man tormented
1 . Shal-*gyur Tar&.
2. Atisa.
3. Sems-can-gyi-sa, vSkf iativa-bhdmi.
4. Chu-kluii sGrol-ma.
5. huiuta, bshad-pa’i sGrol-ma ; Tshe-riii dban-rgyal’s Tibetan Sanskrit
Dictionary, ed. Bacot, fol. 153a, gives hulul? for bshad-pa ; of. Edgerton,
“Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary ”, p. 620, under Huduhuduyatt , “roa’s,” and
huluhulu.
76 BIOGRAPHY OF DHARMASVAMIN [CH.
by a demon propitiated the Tara. The goddess appeared in
front of him, and uttered the sound “Ha-ha-ha-ha”, and imme-
diately all (his ) ailments left him. As in the previous case,
having changed into a stone image, the image became known
as the “Ha-ha Tara”.
The end of the fifth chapter describing the visit of the Guru
Dharmasvamin Chag lo-tsa-ba to Vajrasana.
CHAPTER VI
STCPA'S built by a^oka
The Gandhola of Vajrasana was formerly erected by the
young son of a Brahmana. When about 180 years had passed
since the Parinirvana of the Buddha, the Dharmaraja ASoka 1
had the former structure placed inside an enclosure, and had it
enlarged. From the outside it has the shape of a Stupa, from
inside that of a Vihara. This Raja Dharmasoka, who erected
(the new structure), was the king indicated by the Mahamuni
in a prophecy. Once when the Teacher was making a begging
round of Sravasti, a woman offered him some rice gruel. 2 The
woman’s son who was playing with other children, on seeing
(the Teacher), had faith born in him. He took a measure 3 of
sand, and held up by a playmate, he presented it to the Teacher,
who reached dowrn with his alms bowl, 4 and accepted (the
offering) The woman scolded the boy with the words, “Don’t do
it!” But the Teacher said, “Do not scold him ! He is endowed
with pure faith, and will have a great fate.” The sand he
handed over to Ananda and made him count (the grains),
of which ten million were counted, and the Teacher uttered the
following prophecy, “Ananda, a hundred years hence, after my
Nirvana, in the city of Kusumapura 5 (i.e. Pataliputra) there will
appear a king called ASoka who will erect during one night
ten million Stupas containing relics of the Tathagata. This boy,
who held the child up, will become one named Yaksharatha 6
and will assist him in the erection of Stupas. This child, who
made the offering of sand, will be reborn as a god, and a hundred
years after my Parinirvana, will be reborn as Raja A£oka.
He will promulgate new laws. Some he will establish in peace.
i . Mya-fian-med .
• 2. ’bras- thug.
3. snim-pa.
4. Ihufi-b zed.
5. Me- tog-can
6. gNod-sbying iih-rta.
78 BIOGRAPHY OF DHARMASVAMIN [CH.
like a god ; against others he will lead armies and wage wars,
like an Asura ; to some he will mete out punishments like hell.
When the customs of the six kinds of sentient beings 1 had be-
come purified, a novice from the country of Suvarnadvipa 2 came
to the kingdom. He found the queen’s ornament, which a crow
had carried away when the queen was taking her bath, and took
it to the market place and enquired whose it was. The people
accused him of having stolen it and sentenced him to be punished.
The Raja said, ‘‘Formerly such novices were not sentenced to
death ; kill him by boiling him in melted butter ?” Though
the ministers boiled him for three days, the novice did not die
and only sparkling drops of dew appeared. The Raja enquired,
“Who are you ?” The novice replied, “My Upadhyaya is an
Arhat ! I have reached the stage of one “who had entered the
stream ”, 3 and fire will not burn me.” On hearing these words,
the Raja had faith born in him, and requested the novice to
preach the Doctrine. After the novice had preached the Doc-
trine, the Raja said, “We have punished you ; please tell us
how to expiate the sin ?” The novice said, “I do not know of
a way of doing it. You should ask my Upadhyaya.” They
invited the Arhat who said, “You, Raja, should erect during
one night ten million Stupas containing relics of the Tathagata,
and your sin will be purified.” The Raja said, “I am unable to
do that much and won’t find the relics.” The Arhat replied,
“You were indicated by the Buddha in a prophecy. If you
propitiate Yakshas, you will be able to erect them,. As to the
relics, Raja Ajatasatru’s 4 share consisting of six Magadha
measures 5 was placed in six golden containers, and buried in the
Veluvana 6 grove of Rajagriha . 7 You can take them out ! ”
Then the Raja proceeded to recover the relics but was unable
to get them out, because the site was protected by a wheel with
1. rigs-drug.
2. gSer-gliii.
3. irota-apanna, rgyun-du-shugs-pa.
4. Ma-skyes-dgra.
5. Ma-ga-dha*i-bre-drug.
6. ’O-ma’i-tshal.
7. rGyal po’i khab.
VI]
stOpas built by asoka
79
sharp spikes 1 . Having found out that the wheel was set in mo-
tion by water, the Raja enquired about the source of the water.
When the others could not tell him, an old woman said, “The
water comes from the hill over there to the south-east.” This
hill to the south of Rajagriha, from east to west, was oblong in
shape. On its lower northern slope was situated the dark green
park of Veluvana . 2 3 4 Its summit lay to the south-east of Raja-
griha. They dug the ground and found water coming out
from a stone coffer . 8 Having cut off the water, they stopped
the wheel with the sharp spikes, and examined the place. On a
small casket they found an inscription which read, “In future
a destitute Raja will discover this casket”. The Raja became
enraged and said, “I am not a beggar ! The (indicated)
discoverer of the casket must be some one else ! ,s Pride having
been born in him, the Arhat said, “Do not be proud ! Accept
it with reverence ?” The Raja obeyed and examined the
casket. Inside the casket, on the four corners of a golden con-
tainer with the relics, were four sparkling jewels, the price of each
one of them could not be met by the entire kingdom of the Raja.
The Raja was filled with humility, and thought, “The ancient
Rajas must have been wealthy,” and thus his pride was checked.
Then following the advice of the Arhat, the Raja propitiated the
Yakshas . 1 He propitiated, (especially) the great Yaksha 5 called
Ratha , 6 the Virtuous, and by the mere exhortation of the (Yaksha ) ,
the work was completed. With the help of magic power (of the
Yaksha), at first the Gandhola of Vajrasana and the great
Stupa called Bhagarahula (called in Tibetan Jo-bo Chos-kyi-
’byuri-gnas, or the Lord Dharmasambhava ) situated on the
banks of the river Nairanjana east of Vajrasana, were com-
pleted in one night. Inside the Stupa, the Raja enshrined, \
parts of the entire quantity of relics. By midnight of the
next night, the Yaksha erected simultaneously ten million
i . nUshon-chaT 'khor-lo.
0 2. ’O-ina’i-tshal.
3. sgrom.
4. gnod-sbyin.
5. mah&-yaksha, gnod-sbyin-chen-po.
6. Sifl-rta.
80 BIOGRAPHY OF D H ARM ASV AMIN [CH.
similar Stupas with relics in various localities of Jambudvipa.
The Yaksha said, “Behold the completed Stupas erected by
your order ?” With the help of his magic power, the Yaksha
within one moment carried the Raja to the various localities
where the Stupas had been erected. The Raja offered silver,
gold, and ornaments, and made the solemn wish to obtain the
Highest Enlightenment through this virtuous act. For 87 years
the Raja worshipped the Stupas and lived to the age of 150,
and then passed away, and was reborn as a god. The prophesy
relating to this Balachakravartin Raja 1 is told in details in the
Manjusrimula-tantra. Because of the length (of the story),
we did not write it here. The story is told in the third chapter
about the precious garland of Raja La-gtam and the chapter of
the Dharmaraja Asoka, redeemed from death, known as Vagl-
svara.
The sixth chapter on the Dharmaraja Asoka.
1 . sTobs-kyis-’khor-lo-sgyur-ba-chos-kyi-rgyal-po.
CHAPTER VII
VISIT TO NON -BUDDHIST IMAGES 1
About a Yojana* to the east of Vajrasana flows the river
Nairanjana . 3 The river flows from the south-west towards
the north-east. In summer a hide boat is required 4 to ferry pas-
sengers across, in winter it can be crossed without boat. On the
banks of this river, at a distance of about two arrow shots, on the
very spot where formerly the Blessed One had performed austeri-
ties, there stands a blessed stone image representing the Blessed
One with an emaciated body, and the stone images of the two
boys who were planting saplings , 5 and on seeing the Blessed One
had exclaimed, “This one must be dead ! ”
At the foot of the rock in Magadha there is a stone image
representing the Blessed One who had offered his body by jump-
ing from the summit of the rock, and was devoured by a tigress,
commemorating the Jataka 6 story relating to the rebirth of the
Great Muni 7 (Mahamuni), the Bodhisattva, as Prince Mahasattva,
i.e. sfJin-stobs chen-po, or Sems-dpa’ chen-po (in Tibetan),
when he had perceived a tigress with newly born cubs which was
dying from hunger, and resolved to sacrifice himself by offering
his body. The image is considered to be sanctified, and many
people come to make offerings and offer lamps. The Dharma-
svamin said, the site was called the “Vihara of the Tigress . 8
At another place of the same locality, there is a stone image
representing the Blessed One holding the aims bowl 9 and a
monkey ; this image commemorates the presentation of honey
to the Bodhisattva by a monkey. The image is found inside a
1 . This is the title as given at the end of the chapter. The chapter how-
ever gives an account of some Buddhist images also ( A. S. A.) .
2. dpag-tshad.
3. dGa-skyes.
4. ko-ba*i-gru.
5. iiii-bu.
6 . sKyc-rabs.
m 7 * rgyal-bu.
8. sTag-mo . * i-gtsug-lag-khaii .
9. Patra , lhuft-bzed.
8a BIOGRAPHY OP DHARMASVAMIN [CH.
temple, the door of which faces east. The Dharmasvamin also
said that in front of that door there was also a dried up well
surrounded by a brick wall.
South of Vajrasana, at the distance of a month’s journey,
there was the abode of the non-Buddhist god Somanatha . 1
Non-Buddhists told the Acharya Virwapa , 2 “You should worship
our god !” The Acharya replied, “I can worship your god,
but will you be pleased ?” Replied the non-Buddhist, “We
shall not be displeased 1 *. “Well,” said the Acharya, “We should
then invite the Raja to be witness”, and having requested the Raja
to act as witness, he prostrated himself once in front of the Maha-
deva, and the image split into two. Having placed the two
parts together the Achary a again prostrated himself in front of
it, and the image broke into four pieces. The Acharya said,
“When I was told to prostrate anyself. I prostrated myself once
before the god, and though the image shuddered, I was unable to
split it. I then looked at the image, and saw clearly the image of
the Buddhist god Amitabha on its head. When I prostrated myself
again, the image split.” Then the non-Buddhists said, ‘‘Do not
prostrate \ ” Then the Acharya advised them, saying, “Instead
of killing three hundred buffaloes 3 as offering to the image
in each house, offer three hundred loads of grain.” They did
so, and from that time the slaughter of animals (cattle) was
discontinued. Even now the offerings of paddy to the image
greatly benefit travellers. This paddy is called unthrashed
rice. The Dharmasvamin said that the unthrashed rice is
called “with husk ”. 4 When people, desirous of progeny and
wealth, worship this image, their prayer is granted.
Again, in Magadha there is a non-Buddhist stone image
called Devi Kali, or Lha-mo Nag-mo (in Tibetan). In front
of the chapel 8 there is a dried up well, and a gate built of loose
stones, facing East. There exists a story that in ancient times
this stone image made a fool talk, after which he became a learn-
ed Pandita. Though he had propitiated a non-Buddhist god,
he was bestowed with the mastery of this World. Formerly,
1. Zla-ba-mgon-po. 3. ri-phyugs. 5. mChod-khatt.
2. Virupa. 4. lkog-ma-phud-pa
VII] VISIT TO NON-BUDDHIST IMAGES 83
in India a Raja had a daughter who was very learned in Sanskrit. 1
When the Raja decided to give her away in marriage, the daughter
said, “If there is one more learned than me in Sanskrit, I shall
go (to him). If you give ihe to another, I shall not go ?” The
Raja made enquiries, saying, “Who is learned in Grammar ?”
They said, “The most learned was Vararuchi”. 2 The Raja
said, “Daughter, I shall give you to Vararuchi ?” The daughter
replied, “I am more learned than Vararuchi. I am not going
to him ?” And thus they were unable to make her go. Vararuchi
became disgusted, and thought., “One should find a fool
as a husband for this girl 1 ” Accordingly he went in search of a
fool. He saw a man sitting on a tree branch and cutting it at
the root. Vararuchi thought, here was a fool. The branch
broke and the man fell down. Vararuchi then said to him,
You should marry the Raja’s daughter ?** In India there was
a custom to pronounce a benediction when begging. Vararuchi
taught the fool to say “Om svasti ”. When the fool had mastered
it, he took him to the Raja’s palace, and said, “He is a great
Pandita ! He is my teacher. You should give the
daughter to him I ” The Raja said, “If it is so, let us give her
away J ” The fool then pronounced the benediction, but be-
cause of fright or inability, instead of “ Orh svasti ”, he produced
something which sounded like “ u-sa-ta-ra ”. Immediately,
Vararuchi interpreted the fool’s words and composed a beauti-
ful sloka.
“Rudra with Uma, Sarhkara with Vishnu,
And Siva holding the whizzing dart,
Protect constantly ! ” 3
1. The story of Raja Birimsukla of Varanasi and his daughter VasantI
is told by Taranatha is his rGya-gar-chos-’byun, Lha-sa edition, fol. 40a ;
Schiefner “ Gescpicht : d, Buddhismus in Indian , St. Petersburg, 18(19, p. 7 6.
2. mChog-sred.
, 3. Our text gives the sloka in Sanskrit : Umayd sahilo Rudrah &i-ka-rah
( read : Samkara ) saha Vishnuna lam-khatid nt>asulpdni rakmitu Sir ah
sada. Taranatha in his rGya-gar-chos-’byufi, fol. 40a, gives a slightlv
different, but more correct version of the same Sloka ; Umayd sahito Rudrah
Sadkarah saha Vishnuna Tahkakhatvdngapdnikha rakshatat sarvadd Sivah.
8 4
BIOGRAPHY OF DHAKMASVAMIN
[CH.
Vararuchi called this composition the “Necklace of Sarasvati ”, 1
and said that it was composed by this great Pantjita. The Raja
and his daughter then paid homage to him. Having given
the Ra ja’s daughter to the fool, they held the marriage ceremony.
Vararuchi then fled away. It would have been against
the Raja’s law to leave the fool after having married him. The
Raja’s daughter did not like him and began to hate him. The
fool was greatly afflicted by this, and went to pray before the
image of the Kali-Devi, supplicating the goddess to destroy
him. After the lapse of two days, the Raja’s daughter thought,
“If the fool were to die, it would not be good,” and sent her
maid servants with some food and betel-nuts . 2 The maid servants
contemptuously spat some betel chewed by them into the fool’s
mouth. (Observing this), the goddess thought, “Even maid
servants despise him J I should bestow on him a magic spell I
The goddess slapped the cheek of one of the maids, and asked
the fool, “What sort of magic spell would you like (to possess) ?**
The fool replied that he would like to become learned in Sanskrit
Grammar, and immediately he was transformed into a learned
man. With his right hand he took the rough stalk of a lotus
which was similar to that of a rose, and with his left hand the
soft stalk of the blue lotus . 4 Then standing in front of the door
of the daughter’s appartment, he sent the following message
through a maid,
“In my right hand (I have) a lotus,
In my left an vJpala flower,
Which do you prefer,
The one with the soft stalk, or that with the rough stalk ?
Tell (me), O lotus-eyed ?”
The Raja’s daughter observed, “The Sloka is good poetry ! He
must have propitiated the goddess I ” and continued to live with
the fool. Thus having propitiated the goddess Kali, he became
a scholar known as Kalidasa, or the “Servant of Kali . 5 Among
i . dbYaftvcan-gyi-mgul-rgyafi .„
a. go-la, Hind. gola. Gf. Hind, suparl,
3. d ft os-grub, sidd hi.
4. Utpala.
5. Nag-mo’i-khol-pc.
VII] VISIT TO NON-BCDDIIIST IMAGES 85
the grammatical treatises composed by him, there was one called
Ka-li-pa tydkarana. The Dharmasvamin said that in Tibetan
the word vydkarana meant a “prophecy ”, 1 also “grammar ”, 2 or
“exposition ”. 3 Even nowadays there exist in India several
versions of this treatise , 4 but according to the Dharmasvamin,
the grammatical treatise composed by Ghandragomin had a
greater vogue.
The Dharmasvamin said that “Nampa's hermitage 5 6
(siddhasthana) Phulahari was situated in a forest north of
Nalanda, a tumbled down straw hut with three crooked doors,
surrounded by numerous huts, without an encircling wall, and
that even now some people used to stay there”.
The great cemetery Sltavana 0 is situated in a treeless clearing
inside a large forest to the north-west of Nalanda. In this
lorest there were numerous venomous snakes with spotted bodies
and black heads, of the size of a man’s thigh. The top* of thickets
fin the forest) used to shake and emit a cracking noise when these
sn.ikes moved about. The Dharmasvamin said that he was
frightened on seeing a black bear . 7
On one occasion the Guru, having wrapped hl^ aim’s bowl
in a piece of cloth, decided to ford a river, instead of taking a
longer circuitous route. He was carried away by the current
towards the opposite bank but noticed a man of dark complexion
standing on the bank and shouted to him “Save me from the
river !” The man shouted back, “I am of low caste”,
and did not help him. The Dharmasvamin said that it was
improper for a man of low caste to touch with his hands a
person of high caste. If a person of low caste were to look at
a person of high caste eating, then the food had to be thrown away.
A sign of low caste was the absence of perforation (hole) in the ears.
Others had holes in their ears. If a person of low caste approach-
I. lufl-sion-pu.
u. brda-sp rod-pa.
3. gsal-bar-byed-pa.
*4. ft an- b sad,
5. sgrub-gnas.
6. bSil-ba*-tshal.
7. dom-nag.
86 BIOGRAPHY OF DHARMASVAMIN [CH.
ed the place where one was taking one’s food, that person had
to say, “Duram gaccha” i.e. “go away ?”*
The seventh chapter relating the Dharmasvamin’s visit to
the blessed non-Buddhist images at Vajrasana and Nalanda . 1 2
1. pha-gir soft.
2. This is not quite a correct discription of the chapter,
CHAPTER VIII
VISIT TQ GRIDHRAKOTA
In general, one can say, that in India the non-Buddhists
were numerous, the Sravakas were fewer, and the followers of
the Mahayana even fewer. The Indian followers of theHlnayana 1
are distinguished by greater kindness 2 than the Tibetan followers
of the Mahayana. When on an aim’s begging round, the non-
Buddhists consider it their duty to give alms to (Buddhist monks).
Simple people, other than non-Buddhists, have a great faith,
and whenever they meet a monk, they prostrate themselves with
the words, “Rahula he vandhanam” (should read, He Rahula
vandanam), i.e. “Salutation to the Master.*- 1 They do not walk
straight in front of holy images or the house of parents. A red
cloth they call a saffron garment. 4 5 Because it is the garb of a
mendicant 3 ( prabrdjika ), when they find a piece of four inches
on the road, even children pick it up.
The Dharmasvamin said that there were 1512 villages
in Magadha. The Gridhrakutaparvata, or the Vulture peak 6
was not high. In general, there were no mountains in India
(i.e. Magadha) and in Tibet the Vulture Peak would be consi-
dered a hill of middling height. The Vulture Peak was circular
m shape and was surrounded on all sides by forest. From
some of the gullies 7 water was flowing down. Some (of the
gullies) were rocky, the abode of numerous carnivorous animals,
such as tiger, black bear and the brown bear, so that ordinary men
did not dare to penetrate ( into the forest ), and only some
Panditas, who had obtained siddhis, dwelt there unharmed by poi-
sonous snakes and carnivorous animals. In the summer the peak
was overgrown by shrubs and grass, and its colour appeared blue.
1 . Theg-chuii-ba.
a. phan sems.
• 3 * Jo-bo-la phyag-’tshal-lo.
4. gos hur-smrig.
5. rab-tu byuit-ba,
m o. Bya-rgod-phuit-pci-ri.
7. ri-iul.
88 BIOGRAPHY OF DHARMASVAMIN [CH.
In the winter, when the grass had withered aw r ay, the colour
of the mountain appeared to be grey. There were many kinds
of birds and trees on the mountain. There the Dharmasvamin 1
Chag lo-tsa-ba distributed alms to a multitude of people among
whom some were carrying bows and arrows. In order to frigh-
ten away the wild animals, some beat drums, many were carrying
conches, cymbals 2 and trumpets. 3 Some came carrying bunches
of fresh bamboos which emitted great sparks. Even nowadays,
it is said that on the summit of the peak, in a pleasant and frag-
rant place, stands the seat from which the Buddha had formerly
preached the Doctrine. There were also the ruins of a building,
pieces of bricks of the size of the hand and some larger ones
were scattered about. The Peak’s summit was treeless and was
overgrowm with soft grass. On the summit there was a Stupa
built of bricks with terraced steps, 4 each size of which had 2 J
fathoms. 5 The dome (lit. vase) 6 of the stupa was bigger than
that of the bZod-pa-brag (Stupa) of Thari-po-che (in Yar-lun).
The Dharmasvamin said that in front of the Stupa was situated
the blessed spot on which the Blessed One (Bhagavan ) had prea-
ched the Doctrine. For three years a Siddha lived in a hole in
the Stupa’s foundation, unharmed by wild animals and snakes,
and all venerated him.
The Eighth chapter relating the Dharmasvamin Chag
lo-tsa-ba’s visit to the Vulture Peak.
1 . Chos-rje.
2. cha-laii.
3. ’bud-krol.
4. baft-rims,
5. ’dom.
0. bum-pa Skt. garb ha.
CHAPTER IX
VISIT TO R\J AGRIHA
Rajagriha : Formerly, demons 1 used to set fire to the houses
of the inhabitants. The Raja having heard of it, issued a pro-
clamation that all should increase the number of night-watchers,
and those whose houses will be set on fire, will have to
rebuild new ones in the forest. Then (one night) the Raja’s
palace was set on fire. While the Raja was building during the
day time, Devas and Asuras destroyed it during the night. The
Raja then wrote the words “The Raja’s House ” 2 on the lintel , 3
and the frightened demons did not dare to destroy it again.
From that time the place became known as Rajagriha. In
ancient times the town had eight hundred houses. Nowadays
it has only six hundred. Some four hundred houses were built
of bricks. To the North of Rajagriha there was a hot spring.
To the South lay a mountain stretching from East to West,
Below the town of Rajagriha, on the fringe of a marshy ground
lay the Veluvana grove 4 whose trees had a more vivid green
colour than those (of other groves). On the western slope of
the summit of the mountain there was a path which followed
an unaccentuated stretch of the slope. By following it, one reached
the Vulture Peak, which lay to the south of a small hill. The
JDharmasvamin said that the distance between the town of
Rajagriha and the Vulture Peak was about three Yojanas.* The
Dharmasvamin said that he had studied many doctrines with
the Maha-pandita Yasomitra at Rajagriha.
The Ninth chapter relating to the visit to Rajagriha.
t. Amanushya, mi-ma-yin.
2. rGyal-po'i-khab.
3. ya-thems.
4. 0-ma*i-tshal.
5. phag-tshad.
CHAPTER X
STAY AT N ALAND A
Nalendra , 1 2 which means “Lord of Men” in Tibetan , 8 was
built by a former Raja, and because of it was given this name.
It was situated on the further bank of the Ganga at a distance
of about two days to the south-west (mistake for south-east)
of Vajrasana. As said in the Ratnavall , 3 in the passage beginning
with the words “the religious establishment of a former king...**,
it had seven great (lofty) pinnacles 4 5 in its centre, two of which
had been erected by the Raja and two by two great Acharyas,
one each. On the outside, towards the North, stood fourteen
lofty pinnacles ( Sikharas) . Outside of it, there were about eighty
small Viharas called a-ri-kha . 6 Most of these were built by the
Raja. Some were built by the queen. They were damaged
by the Turushkas, and there was absolutely no one to look
after them, or to make offerings. They were built of bricks and
many were left undamaged.
There resided a venerable and learned monk who was more
than ninety years old, the Guru and Mahapandita Rahula-
Sribhadra . 0 Raja Buddhasena of Magadha honoured this Guru
and four other Panditas, and about seventy venerable ones . 7
Jayadeva , 8 a rich man, erected a seat adorned with precious stones
which had a curtain called sa-ha-li 9 which protected from
mosquitoes . 10 Curtains were also drawn on the four sides of the
throne. Inside, a fan 11 and offering lamps used to keep mos-
quitoes away, and the Guru was able to rest having drawn the
1 . Nalanda.
2. Mi’i-dbafi-po.
3. Nin-chen-'phrefi-ba.
4. dbu-rtse, sikhara.
5. This is aramika (? ), a diminutive of sir&ma.
6. dPal sGra-gcan-’dzin-bzaft-po.
7. ban-de. a
8. rGyal-ba’i-lha.
9. cf. Hindi mayahri, mosquito curtain.
10. sbrari-skyabs, maiakaudrana.
ix* rlutfi-yab.
X]
STAY AT N ALAND A
9 *
curtains. The Dharmasvamin said that most of the wealthy
people were obliged to honour in a similar manner. The Dharma-
svamin also said that the two Viharas called Dha-na-ba l and
Ghu-na-ba 2 were in a serviceable condition. In general, among
the eighty four Viharas, there were eighty four human dwellings
(monastic cells ). 3
There were also four especially venerated holy images, 4
the stone image of the Lord Khasarpana, Manjusri, “With the
turned neck”, the miraculous stone image of Jhananatha, 5 and
the image of Tara “Without ornaments”. 0 The image of Kha-
sarpana (AvalokiteSvara) stood in the royal Vihara. It was
said that when the Acharya Arya Chandraklrti and the Acharya
Chandragomin were debating, Chandragomin was unable to
give an immediate answer, and only gave the answer after some
time had passed. Once when the Acharya Chandraklrti was
putting questions on the Doctrine, Chandragomin having answer-
ed, acted in the manner of one wishing to pass water, and having
taken a vessel, 7 went out. The Dharmasvamin said that, accord-
ing to the story, when the Acharya Chandraklrti went out to see
(where Chandragomin had gone), he saw the stone image of
Khasarpana, whose right hand was in the danamudra , 8 raise its
finger as if in a prasangika debate. The image remained
in the posture of preaching the Doctrine to Chandragomin.
Even nowadays, the image, of human size, is seen with a raised
finger. 9 The Acharya Chandraklrti, without showing partiality,
requested to be given instruction in the Doctrine. To this the
image replied, “For five hundred rebirths you had been
reborn as a Pandita blessed by Manjughosha. I shall not expound
( the Doctrine ) to you. Meditate on the Guhyasamaja ?”
Then he meditated for seven days on the Guhyasamaja, and he
1. Dh&nya (?)
2. guna (? )
3. mi-khyim.
4. rten.
* 5. Ye-$cs-mgon-po.
6. rgyan-med.
7. spyi-giuga.
8. mchod-sbyin.
9. mdzub-mo-kc-rc.
92 BIOGRAPHY OF DHARMASVAMIN [CH.
perceived Avalokitesvara of white colour standing erect in the
West. The Dharmasvamin added that though the image was
called of “white countenance”, it was said to have been red.
When the Acharva Chandraklrti was going out to meet Ghandra-
gomin, the image of Mahjusri “With the neck bent towards
the left”, i. 2 3 was placed on a chariot, and Chandragomin was
invited to sit on another, but he declined, saying, “It does
not befit me to ride on a chariot to the Vihara of the
Sarigha”. They earnestly entreated him, and Chandra-
gomin then said, “Well then, I shall stand at the
back of Manjughosha’s chariot as if fanning the image of
Mahjughosha !” and he did so. At a distance of about a
Yojana to the west of Nalanda, when the procession was mo\ ing
towards the south, Chandragomin (suddenly) perceived the
image to come to life. He called out to men, “Look, look ! ”
But the vision vanished, and he understood it to be a material
(image), and so it remained, and even nowadays its neck is
bent towards the left. The Dharmasvamin added that when
one prays to this wooden image, of the size of a man, and the
notion arises that it is a real Buddha, then the image truly ex-
pounds the Doctrine, etc. But if one thought that it was a material
thing, a fashioned image, then the blessing decreased. Its
nature, according to the avavdda (instructions) of Ati£a,
when one beholds sacred images, they have to be considered to
be the very Tathagata, because they were blessed.
The image known as Taiatha, 8 or the Tara “Without
ornaments”. Once, when the Acharva Chandragomin, being
a Bodhisattva, had given away all he had collected on his
begging rounds, at a time when he had nothing to giveaway,
there came from South India a group of singers [and dancers 4
who for half a month entertained (the Panditas) with singing,
music and dancing. When they asked for money, he gave them
a piece of cloth which he used a garment ,but they did not
i . dKar-po-gzigs.
a. Manjughosha-griva-bhar\ga ; \Iam-dbyans-n)jifi-gyon.
3. Pandit Rahul Sarfkfityayan suggests Tarinlka.
4. zlos-gar-mkhan.
X]
STAY AT N ALAND A
93
accept it, and he (Chandragomin) thought, “What should
give them ?” He offered prayers to an image of Tara which was
painted on the wall of the eastern side of the Vihara, and the image
uttered the following words, “Give these ! ” and with her
left hand she took off some rings from her right hand, and gave
them to Chandragomin. She then gave away with her both
hands her shoulder ornaments, and a whistling sound was clearly
heard. The Panditas (of Nalanda) inquired, “From where so
many (ornaments) had come ?” and having investigated
(the matter) found that on the image of the goddess there were
left only traces of ornaments on her lingers and shoulders and
thus the image became known as the Tara “Without ornaments ”. 1
When one looks at the western gate of the temple of Nalanda,
on the inside surface of the eastern wall, directly in front of the
feet (of the image), there is the spot which Chandragomin
touched with his head when he asked lor the goddess’s blessing.
Oil drips from it and when the black spot sinks into the ground,
a trace of it always remains. This auspicious sign can be seen
even nowadays.
Jnananatha- temple : When an oflicer of thcTurushka soldiery
took up residence in the Vihara of Odantapuri, situated at a
distance of a day’s march to the east of Nalanda, he summoned
into his presence Guru Rahulasrlbhadra’s lay-supporter 3 Jaya-
deva and a member of the latter’s family. For several days they
did not return. Then a traveller came and brought a message
from Jayadeva which said, “The Brahmana lay-supporter wishes
to tell the Guru and disciples, that he had been detained by
the officer who said that he, (Jayadeva), had honoured numerous
monks 4 attending on the Guru. Now they shall surely kill the
Guru and his disciples. Flee \ ” Having been advised to flee,
the Guru said, “You flee \ I am more than ninety years old.
It does not make any difference whether I shall escape, or not,
whether I shall go, or not / 5 On receipt of the Brahmana’s mes-
• i. sGrol-ma-rgyan-nied.
2. Yc-ses-mgon-po.
^3. yon-bdag.
4. The text had mgo-zlum, or ‘'round heads”, i, e. shaven heads, a
# derogatory expression meaning “monks”. Cf. modern Tibetan mgo-ril-ril.
94 BIOGRAPHY OF DHARMASV AMIN [CH.
sage, they again asked the Guru, but he gave the same repyl.
Since many similar messages were received, all other disciples
fled away. Only the Dharmasvamin-lo-tsa-ba remained with
the Guru, and in his turn requested the Guru to go. The Guru
said, “You, Tibetan, it is foolish of you to stay with me ! AH
the inhabitants and disciples have fled. If you do not flee,
you will be killed ! ” and the Guru rebuked him. The Dharma-
svamin replied, “I shall not go, even if killed ! ” The Guru
became pleased and said, “You are keeping your vow and great
is your burden. Now, if I were to be carried by you, would you
go ? If you go, we shall both flee ! ’’The Dharmasvamin took
the Guru on his shoulders, and turning round one of the pillars,
the Guru said, “We are off, let us take a small basket of sugar, 1
some rice, and our favourite books. We shall not be able to go
far. 1 have a way (of saving ourselves) ! * At a short distance
to the south-west, there was a shrine dedicated to a protecting
deity, 2 and they went to that place. The Guru said, “This
Jnananatha had miraculously appeared on a stone in the cemetery
of Sltavana, 3 and was discovered by Arya-Nagarjuna, who
had invited the image to stay in this shrine.” Formerly, the
Turushkas had carried away all the stones of this (temple),
and instead of anointing the image with oil and worshipping
it, they threw impurities and dust at it. A man who participated
n this work) died the same evening of colic on reaching
Odantapurl. Next morning the image was found undamaged,
so it was said. Since then the Turushka-heretics did not dare
to approach it and cross the threshhold.
While they were staying there, suddenly some three hundred
Turushka soldiers appeared, armed and ready for battle. Though
they were sure to kill them, they did not find them, and went back.
The two lay-supporters ( of the Guru ) were put in irons for
several days, but then were set free.
The Dharmasvamin said that the image of the Protector 4
1. bu-ram.
2. mgon-khari.
3. bSil-ba’i-tshal.
r 4. mGon-po, N&tha.
X]
STAY AT NALANDA
95
had one face and four arms, and was somewhat bigger than a mau
in size. People used to annoint it with oil. It was of greenish
colour. When people used to ask for blessing by touching the
navel of the image with their foreheads, the stone appeared
(to them) to have the coltrar of pea straw. 1
When the Dharmasvamin first visited Guru Rahula, he
thought that 4 ‘There was no one more learned in Grammar
than me in Magadha. 2 It turned out that there were
several young disciples studying Grammar with the Guru,
and all of them were more learned than me. The Pandita him-
self having gone to Magadha, it occurred to me that it would
be good to meet (him)’', said the Dharmasvamin. Then the
Maha-pan^ita preached the bLa-ma INa-bcu-pa (Gurupahcha-
$ika, Tg. — rGyud, 3721). The Dharmasvamin thought, “I
knew it, having learnt it by heart. Now there is no need to study
it”. The Guru Maha-pandita said, “Go and study the Sanskrit
commentary until you master it.” The Dharmasvamin stud-
ied it, and it was of benefit to the understanding of the meaning
(of the text). Especially there were some (passages) which
merited to be studied.
At the approach of summer, the Guru said, “You should go
to Nepala. Here you will die of fever. There was another Tibe-
tan who had come to study. He died last year. You had for-
merly studied extensively the Doctrine ; if an accident were
to happen to your life, it would be a loss. In any case you should
go ! ” Friends also advised him to go. Then the Dharmasva-
min thought, “Having gone for the summer to Nepala, when
returning in winter to Magadha, I shall have to cross the Ganga
{“the difficulty of crossing the Ganga is enough to die.”). Here
I have to study ! *’ The Dharmasvamin accordingly said to the
Guru, “Even if I am to die, please allow me to study here ! ”
And the Dharmasvamin remained. In the summer, on one oc-
casion his body became covered with three hundred sores, and
he was in great agony. The Guru said, “You are very fortunate ! ”
•
1. spran-zan. ...... ^
2. dbUs-’gyur-’chafi explained in native dictionaries as meaning rDo-
ge gdan rGya-gar-Yul-dbUs.
96
BIOGRAPHY OF DHARMASVAMIN
[CH.
and was very pleased. The Dharmasvamin thought, “Why is
it that the Guru is so pleased by my being so ill ?” The Guru
said, “Your disease, caused by water , 1 did not go inside, but came
out. Sores are no danger to life. You will not die ! ” and the
Guru rejoiced. At that time, said the Dharmasvamin, because
he did not have even a mat, a severe pain afflicted him, and
later his health deteriorated. The Dharmasvamin added,
that occasionally he did not even have shoes, as worn by Indians,
which consist of a wooden or leather sole attached above the foot
by a shoe-strap, without side-pieces and leggings, which are called
pa-tii-hi ( updnah ) .
In one locality many non-Buddhists had assembled to make
offerings ; they placed numerous cattle on a large pyre of wood
and lit it. After the fire had consumed the carcasses, they made
in the smouldering fire, at the end of the pile of carcasses, a
circular mandala , a triangular mandala , a square manfjala , etc.,
and muttered mantras . This method of sacrifice is not the way
of attaining emancipation, though it is claimed to be one. For
it is said, ‘‘All kinds of injury, the absence of a method 3 (of sal va-
tion), the path of damnation , 4 and the belief in a real personality , 5
are (considered) to be highly efficacious by those who take refuge
in the heretical path .” 8 “Such is the heretical teaching of those
who do not know the method (of true salvation). If one takes
refuge in the Three Precious Ones , 7 there is no need of placing
one’s hope in such doctrines”, said the Dharmasvamin.
The Dharmasvamin said that in India and Nepala there exists
a green plant with a single root, the leaves of which are spread
out on the ground. (The leaves) should not be damaged by
the hooves of goats and cattle, for if one (of the leaves) is damaged,
all the others wither away, as in the case of a group of friends,
1. chu-nad.
2. pantri.
3. Thabs, upaya.
4. nan-son.
5. ’jig-tshogs-lta-ba, satkaya-drishti.
6. Here Theg-pa-dman-pa is used not in ithe sense of the $rfcvaka-yftna,
but in the sense of a heretical doctrine.
7. dKon-mchog-gsum, Triratna,
X]
STAY AND NALANDA
97
if one becomes mischievous, similar to a rotten ‘ go-la V the others
also become wicked. Having cut off with a knife the rotten
part of the leaf, they put some ashes of burnt cowries on it, this
being a substitute for yeasfc Then they perfume it with scent,
and cover it for two days with a cloth. Then they take the cloth
off, and call it pa-na i. 2 In Tibet this drink is called tarn-bo-la 3 in
the literary language, and go-la in the spoken language, and also
in Nepali . 4 5 * In Tibetan it is called so-rtsi, or tooth-paint. The
Dharmasvamin added that its colour was red, and that it was good
for the teeth, and therefore it was called so-rtsi , or tooth-paint.
The sour juice of the Nepalese pomegranate* is used as a
drink by the Buddhist monks, and is called da-ri-ba .® In India
(i.e. in Magadha) the Buddhist monks do not partake of wine.
Having completed his studies at Nalanda, the Dharmasva-
min asked the Guru for permission to return to Tibet, but the
Guru did not grant it. Then after the lapse of one month, the
Guru said, “You have mastered many doctrines. There
will be benefit for sentient beings. You should go to Tibet !*’
The Dharmasvamin then asked leave to go, but the Guru replied
“Stay for today \ ” “As you are starting to-morrow, to-night
you should reach the ferry. Stay there in the early morning,”
said the Guru. Next morning having spent the night there,
the Guru told him, “Now you should go ! ” and saw him off
in a dandy . 7 The Guru said, “You arc a good monk ! Go to
Tibet ! 55 and shed tears. “I am old, said the Guru, and Tibet
is far away ! and we shall not meet in this life. VVe shall meet
in Sukhavatl. The Dharmsvamin continued his journey. The
Dharmasvamin said that he greatly venerated this Guru, The
Dharmasvamin Ghag lo-tsa-ba spent two full years in Magadha. .
The Tenth Chapter on Nalanda.
i. Galled gold in the U. P. because of its circular shape.
2^ pan, betel leaf.
3. tambola, betel leaf.
4. Bal-po’i-skad.
5. se*u.
•6. Cf. Hind, darim.
7. mdo-li mdo-le; from Hindi, dolt.
CHAPTER XI
RETURN TO llRHUT
The Dharmasvamin continued his journey alone without
a companion. On the ferry boat across the Gariga, he was accost-
ed by two Turushka soldiers who told him, “You are a Tibetan f
You must have some gold.” The Dharmasvamin replied that
he would report them to the local Raja, and they became very
angry. The two snatched away the Dharmasvamin’s begging
bowl 1 from the boat. On the boat there were two Indian lay-
supporters, father and son. The son who had faith (in Bud-
dhism), said, “Here is a remarkable monk f Do not take away
his begging bowl. I shall give you some precious things.” But
the soldiers replied, “We do not want your wealth. We want
this Tibetan ! ” Then he gave them one pa-na 2 . According to
the Dharmasvamin one pana equalled eighty cowries . 3
After they had reached the city of Pa-ta (Pattala) in Tirhut,
the Dharmasvamin asked a monk, “Are you a Buddhist ?” and
the monk replied that he was. Then the Dharmasvamin rented
quarters from the monk, and stayed there. He fell ill, and felt
pain in his legs as if he was being hatched by an axe. The
owner of the house enquired about his health, and the Dharma-
svamin replied that he was not feeling well. The owner of the
house used to tell him each day, “The Magadha fever has come
out. Nothing will help. You will die. Do not stay here, go to
the cremation ground.” “His fever grew worse, and he had
neither provisions to keep himself alive, nor anyone to look after
him. The owner of the house continued to tell him to go away.
He had neither acquaintances, nor any one to invite him to
come. He felt greatly afflicted by the thought of dying there. At
that time he was in possession of an extraordinary manuscript 4
i . Ihun-bzed.
a. Skt. pa$a.
3. ’gren-bu.
4. man-ftag.
XI]
RETURN TO TIRHUT
99
which could cause harm. Full of apprehension, he wished
to burn it, but the owner of the house stole the book. His eyes
grew dim, and his pillow seemed to him to be something black.
Then there came a Tan trie 1 *vho asked him, “You are ill !”
“I am not well 5 , replied the Dharmasvamin. “Who are you ?”
asked the Tantrik, “I am a Tibetan 55 , replied the Dharmasvamin.
“From what part of Tibet do you come 1'rom ?” “I am a native
of O’ 5 , replied the Dharmsvamin. The Tantric again persisted
in his questions, and asked, “From what part of 0 do you come
from ?” “I belong to lTc 5 u- 5 -ra of gNal. I had come to
Vajrasana to study the Doctrine, and am returning to Tibet.
Having fallen ill, 1 remained behind.” The Tantric said, “Arc
you not the nephew of Chag lo-tsa-ba dGra-bcom who had come
to India last year?” “I am. 55 , replied the Dharmasvamin.
The latter then said, “I went to lTe-’u-ra as an attendant of
Pandita Sakvasrl who came to Tibet. The former Phyag(Ghag)
lo-tsa-ba took great care of me. If you need money I have
some money, and shall help you. It is nothing ! I have come
to India with a purpose ! I know how to recite the rDo-rje
rnam-’joms 2 and the gTsugtor. 8 I am ready to serve you.”
The Dharmasvamin was pleased and said, “Well do it !” The
Dharmasvamin said that “The Tantric treated me, and after
having been ill for about two months, 1 did not die.” The
Dharmasvamin also said, “Though I persevered in India
and Nepala, I was struck by a severe and poisonous local fever,
but a (fatal ) accident to my life did not occur by the grace of ( his
uncle) the great U pad by ay a, the Dharmasvamin. 55 And again he
said, “Though I had propitiated the Protecting Deity, I was
struck by severe illness due to (my) former deeds. Looked after
by a friend, the composite elements of this life did not cease.
This also was due to the grace of the Upadhyaya, the Dharma-
svamin.” The Dharmasvamin said, that the Tantric appears
to have been a manifestation of the Four-Armed 4 Protector. 6
1. *snags-pa.
2. name of a Tantric rite (cho-ga ).
3 . There exist several gtsiig-tor cho-ga in the bes'ian-’gyur.
4. Phyag-b&hi-pa
5. Avalokitesvara.
IOO BIOGRAPHY OF DHARMASVAMIN [CH.
Then when he had recovered from his illness, but his body was not
as straight as before (i.e. he was walking with difficulty), he was
told that the Raja of the Pata (Pal tala) city was coming to the
street-corner . 1 The Raja was accompanied by a crowd of drum-
mers and dancers with banners, buntings , 2 brandishing fans , 3
and sounding conches and various musical instruments. All
the hou$e-tops and street-corners were overhung with silk-
trappings. The Raja named Ramasiriiha was coming riding,
on a she-elephant, sitting on a throne adorned with precious
stones, and furnished with an ornamented curtain. The Dharma-
svamin received an invitation from the minister, who said,
“Please come ! If you do riot come in person, the Raja will
punish (you). The Raja comes to the street-corner (town-
place) only once in a year, and there is a pageant.” The minister
sent a sedan-chair 4 (doli) for the Dharmasvamin, who went to
meet the Raja. The Dharmasvamin greeted the Raja in Sanskrit
dlokas and the Raja was very much pleased and presented the
Dharmasvamin with some gold, a roil of cloth , 5 numerous medi-
cines, rice, and many excellent offerings 6 and requested the
Dharmasvamin to become his chaplain , 7 but the Dharmasvamin
replied that it was improper for him, a Buddhist, to become
the Guru of a non-Buddhist. The Raja accepted it, and said,
“Well, stay here for some days J ” The Dharmasvamin said that
the Raja honoured him with numerous requisites.
The eleventh chapter relating to the Dharmasvamin’s visit
to Tirhut on (his) way back (to Tibet).
1 . srafi-mdor.
2. phye-ma’i phur-ma.
3. bsil-yab.
4. rcufe-li.
5. ras-yug
6. yon
7. bla-mchod.
CHAPTER XII
STAY AT YAN-DOG MONASTERY IN TIBET
Among the large gathering of people in the town of Pa-ta
fPattala) in Tirhut, the Dharmasvamin met with some Nepalese
whom he had met previously, and who recognized him. The
people said, “With such an emaciated body, you seem about to
die ! ” and wept. The Dharmasvamin replied, “I almost
died ! One day I passed out, but was restored to life.** The
5 ba’-ros 1 honoured him and provided him with a sedan-chair,
and he proceeded to Nepala. In Nepala wealthy people are called
’ ba-ro , and monks are called ha-sa-si 2 Tantriks are called
han-du , 3 said the Dharmasvamin. The Dharmasvamin also
said that when he came to Nepala, the ’ ba’-ros gave him plenty
of tasty food without regard to his health, and that as
a result of it, phlegm 4 increased. In Nepala, a ’ba'-ro named
Ban-dhe 5 Sa-le presented him with five ounces of gold, and the
Dharmasvamin was enabled to prepare numerous copies of sacred
books and images. Then the Dharmasvamin received an invi-
tation to visit the monastery of Yan-dog, the former seat 8 of
the lo-tsa-ba Nag-tsho Tshul-khrims rgyal-ba in Gun-than of
Mah-yul. The Dharmasvamin replied, “I am unable to stay
at the monastery because I have to look after the abbot’s seat of
the former lo-tsa-ba upadhyaya at ITe’u-ra of gftal. I won’t
be able to help the monastery for one or two years.” But they
entreated him, saying, “Please visit the monastery, even if you
are unable to stay there for more than a year.” The guru
Ri-wan-dra (Ravindra), endowed with fore-knowledge, told him,
“It would be good if you were to go to Yan-dog for four or five
years. Since there is no hurry, you could proceed (to lTe‘u-ra)
i. M>a’-ro from Varistha.
a. According to R. Sankrityayana, so called after a siddha named
Hasavagra fiasavajra.
3. hafi-du a personal name (?)
4. bod-ken.
5. ban-de
£f. gdan-sa.
102 BIOGRAPHY OF DI-I ARM AS V AMIN [CH.
later, and benefit will arise for sentient beings.” Follwing this
advice, the Dharmasvamin decided to visit Yan-dog. When he
came to Yan-dog from Nepala, one day they offered him the
keys of eighty monasteries, including the main monastery of
Ha-ri-man-da, its four brandies and others. The lay-supporter 1
Phyug bTsan-grags offered him a golden vase. 2 The lay-supporter
dKon-mchog-rten offered him the Panchavimsatisdhasrikd
written in gold. In general, he received on four occasions the
Pancavimsatisaharika written in gold, on two occasions the Ash (a -
sdhasrikd* (written in gold), and about one hundred and fifty
volumes of Sutras written in ink. Previously he had received two
lots of (books) of thirty two and sixteen volumes each. The
Dharmasvamin said that in Sanskrit a book was called pustaka ,
and pothi in Prakrit, in Tibetan glcgs-’bam. Though written
in ink it was still a sacred volume, or glegs-’bam. Again on an-
other occasion the Dharmasvamin received two hundred volumes
of books. When the Dharmasvamin was going from Yan-dog
to 0, the lay-supporter Phyug bTsan-grags (The “Wealthy”
bTsan-grags) said, “It is not good to leave the golden vase
at Yan-dog; pray take it with you wherever you might go !” and
himself packed it in leather, 5 and sent it off ahead. (The lay-
supporter ) dKon-mchog-rten escorted the Panchavimsatisdha -
srikd (written in gold) for the distance of four daily stages, and
both the vase and the Panchavimsatisdhasrikd were taken to lTe-*u-
ra. The two lay-supporters had no offspring; after (their meet-
ing with the Dharmasvamin ) three children were born to them,
and the number of family members and wealth increased, and
they lived in prosperity. When the Dharmasvamin was staying
in Nepala, the Dharmasvamin Sa-skya Pandita requested him to
send him the bDud-rtsi thigs-pa (Tg. bGyud, LXXV, I) a
commentary on the Namasangiti , 6 The Dharmasvamin sent him
the Indian original of the text. 7 Then the Sa-skya Pandita
X.
yon-bdag-po
2.
gser-’bum.
3.
Ni-khrh
4-
brGyad-sto-pa.
t
5-
ko&Uim
8.
m? han-brjod.
7-
rG>*-dpc.
*
XII]
STAY AT YANG -DOG MONASTERY IN TIBET
IO3
again asked the Dharmasvami n to send him the Tibetan transla-
tion prepared by the Dharmasvamin. When it was sent, the
Sa-skya Pandita looked through it and became very pleased.
Later when they met at Sa-skya and discussed (the text),
the Dharmasvamin Sa-skya-pa 1 said, “Surely after the lo-tsa-ba
Rin-chen bzari-po there was no scholar greater than you !
When I also thought of becoming a scholar like you, my father
and grand-father did not allow me to go to India. As a result
of which their grace diminished. At the best they did not make
me abandon religion and wealth, at the worst they did not send
(me) to India.” Later, in Mongolia the Sa-skya Pandita is
reported to have said, “Ghag lo-tsa-ba is himself a scholar. If
you wish to study, meet him ! ” The Dharmasvamin said that
when he was preaching the Doctrine at Yan-dog, about ten
kalydna-mitras, disciples of the bLa-maSa-skya-pa, benefitted
greatly.
The twelfth chapter about the stay of the Dharmasvamin
atYan-Dogin Man-yul.
/. Sa-skya pandita Kun-dga*-rgyal-mtslian, 1182-1231.
CHAPTER XIII
RESIDENCE AT 1TE-U-RA MONASTERY IN TIBET
When the Dharmasvamin was invited by the inmates of
lTe’u-ra and was starting from Yari-dog, they loaded his baggage,
such as the golden vase, the Pahchavimsatisdhasrikd, and Indian
and Tibetan books, etc. on numerous domestic yaks (mdzo),
Some people are said to have failed to honour (him) and to have
remarked that “There were not many books, and that most (of the
loads) contained dried 1 and raw sugar ”. 2 At that time the owner
of a water-mill made offerings of requisites. Well-to-do-people
attended on him (“placed the dust of his feet on their heads”),
and the road leading to ITe’u-ra of g^al was crowded with men
and horses. The sky was filled with rainbows and silk scarfs.
Those who were walking (on the road) said that it was an aus-
picious year full of peace. The Acharya of ITe’u-ra said that
in his youth the Dharmasvamin had told that he had a vision
of the deity, and that he did not believe him at that time, and
thought that it signified an accident to his life, and that he would
not return from India. Now, though they did not see him for
twenty-four years, he was returning unharmed, and it was said
that others were filled with faith and devotion.
The Dharmasvamin’s fame as a scholar and venerable monk
encompassed the ten quarters. From Mongolia he received an
invitation from the Dharmaraja ’Phags-pa 4 and Khan Khubilai . 6
The Dharmasvamin was on numerous occasions visited by Imperial
envoys , 6 including the Acharya Sig-sa-ta and others who honour-
ed him and conveyed an invitation to visit Mongolia, but as he
was predestined to labour for the benefit of numerous sentient
beings (in Tibet), the Dharmasvamin remained at ITe’u-ra.
1 . tshos.
2. bu-ram.
3. mi-che-rgu-cog. * »
4. ’Phags-pa bLo-gros-rgyal-mtshan, 1235-1280.
a . In the text rgyal-po Lo-go sa-bdag Go-pe-la.
. gser-yig-pa.
XIII] RESIDENCE AT ITE-U-RA MONASTERY IN TIBET IO5
After some fourteen and half years had elapsed since his return
from India, in the year of the Dragon 1 (1256 A. D.) there came
Si-tu A-skyid, 2 the officials ’Jur-na and Ab-rkan, 3 and others,
and invited him to Mongolia. The Dharmasvamin proceeded
in a sedan-chair as far as Northern sNih-’bum. At that time
he suffered from pain in his legs. In the year of the Hare 4
( I2 55 A. D.) a great earthquake took place and many houses
collapsed. Because of this, the Dharmasvamin was unable to stay
at his residence. 5 Eye-witnesses used to say that religious protec-
tors had placed iron-fetters on his legs 6 , and thus prevented him
from going to Mongolia. Mongol and Tibetan dignitaries
deliberated, saying that if Mongol and Tibetan learned men were
to die on the road, it would not be good ; if all Tibetan and Mon-
gol dignitaries summoned by the olficial Ses-rab-skyabs were
to die on the road, the Great Khan would not be pleased ; if the
Dharmasvamin were to stay in Tibet, great benefit would arise
for sentient beings. They therefore requested the Dharma-
svamin to remain in Tibet.
At that time the Dharmsvamin addressed an epistle 7 on the
Doctrine to the twelve great Panditas invited by the official
Ses-rab-skyabs, to the four lo-tsa-bas of Tibet, and to twenty
learned monks. Again, the Dharmasvamin returned to g 5 Jal.
Some two years after his return to g'ftal from India, the
Dharmasvamin proceeded on a pilgrimage to Sakyarnuni
of Thrul-snan (temple in Lha-sa), and on his way visited sTag-
tshal of Yar-lun to meet the Pandita Danasri, and asked him
1 . 'brug-lo.
2. An official in charge of census in the area between Sha-lu and ’Bri-
guh. See Tucri, Tibetan Painted Scrolls, I, p. 13. The census (Tib. rtsis-
len ) determined the number of troops to be supplied by districts. The census
was introduced by the Mongols in other parts of the empire as well. Of. the
Russian brati chido ’ (to take census) corresponding exactly to the Tibetan
expression rtsis-len and the Mongol tog-a abqu, On census in the Mongol
epoch, See Vernadsky, The Mongols in Russia, Yale, 1953, p. 215. The Secret
History of the Mongols , p. 265 — shini ta toulaju.
3. «< Ebugen, or Ergen.
4. yos-lo.
• 5. bla-brari.
6. gsan-yig chen-mo. This is probably an exaggeration.
7. sGrub-thabs-bsdus-pa. This must be sGrub-thabs-kun-las-bsdus-pa
• 8. btus-pa, Tg. rGuyd, 3400.
106 BIOGRAPHY OF DH ARM AS V AMIN [<3H.
whether he possessed the Indian original of the Sadhanasamu -
chchaya . He offered him a cloak , 1 and some ginger and pepper.
The Dharmasvamin greeted the Pandita by reciting in Sanskrit
the introductory verses of the Uttar atantra . 2 The Pandita was
greatly moved, shed tears, and exclaimed, “Learned, learned !
You are more learned than I ! You have studied for a long time
in India, whereas I became like cattle (by staying here).
Because of your fame as a scholar, the hair of my body stood
erect.” The Dharmasvamin offered the Pandita some gold dust,
and preached the Doctrine, and related the Indian news, and those
who had assembled shed tears. In the locality where the
Dharmasvamin had offered gold dust, the year was an auspicious
one, free from illnesses.
Chapter Thirteenth on the Dharmasvamin’s stay at
ITe’u-ra.
t . bar .
2. rGyud-bla-ma, Tg. Sems-tsam, 4024
CHAPTER XIV
VISIT TO THAN-PO-CHE MONASTERY
At the age of sixty one, in the year of the Horse 1 ( 1 2 58 A. D. ) ,
the Dharmasvamin visited Thari-po-che. He preached the Doc-
trine during the spring, summer and autumn terms at the Great
Monastery. During the spring term, 2 the Dharmasvamin
explained the Commentary on the Samddhirdja-svtra , 3 the A faha-
chittotpada , etc. During the summer term, 4 he explained the
Jatakasf the Bodhicharydvatara , 6 the Suhrllekha , 7 the Bhavana -
krama of KamalaSila, 8 the Samvrti-bodhichittabhdvand 0 and the
Par amdrthabodhichitta bhavana 10 by ASvaghosha. During the au-
tumn term, 11 he explained in a thorough manner the different
minor texts of the Guhyasamaja according to the method of
Nagarjuna as also the Three Mandala Rites 12 composed by
the bla-ma (Guru) himself, — the Chos-spyod-nor-bu’i-phren-ba,
the bs 51 o-ba’-i man-iiag-rin-po-che’i-gter, and the Nan-son-
' sbyort-ba’i-rgyud with addenda, and the Prayer of Nagarjuna in
nine Slokas translated by (the Dharmasvamin). Further, he
preached extensively the Doctrine, and after completing the
autumn term, left (the monastery). The Dharmasvamin said,
“I am going to have (my) morning meal. After the meal, let
all the monks assemble in my presence ?” When they had
gathered, the Dharmasvamin addressed the monks, “It is not
enough to know this Doctrine, one should practise meditation. 18
Therefore practise meditation and study. If we were to think
1 . rta-lo.
а. dpyid’Chos.
3. Tg. mDo. 127.
4. dbyar-chos.
5. sKyes-rabs. JatakamSla, Tg. sKyes-rabs, 4150.
б. Tg.dbU-ma, 3871.
7. Tg. Chos-’byuri, 4497- , _ Jt _ _
8 . Ka-ma-la-si-la’i sGom-nm-gsum, Tg. dbu-ma, 3915- * 7 *
► 9. Tg. dbU-ma, 3871* 11. Tg. dbU-ma, 3911.
10. Tg. dbU-ma, 3911.
1 1 . ston-chos.
ia. Mapcjal-gyi-cho-ga-gsum.
13. ftams-len.
BIOGRAPHY OF DHARMASVAMIN
[CH.
108
that first we should study and then practise, that would be of
no value. If you limited yourselves to study, an accident might
happen, therefore practise meditation as well. In order not to
repent at the time of death, having mastered the Doctrine, prac-
tise meditation. I, myself, having preached it for two years, had
in mind to practise meditation. Will it be possible, I do not
know. The former Dharmasvamin passed away at the age
of sixty four. Each of you should propitiate in his mind what-
ever tutelary deity he beleives in, and should meditate on it.
Master the Gurupahchasika. 1 When one is young, one should
propitiate tutelary deities. When I was young, I performed the
propitiating rite 2,600,000 times, and was thus able to return
from India alive, though weak in body”, and the Dharmasvamin
showed with his hand the gradual decline (of his health). The
Dharmasvamin said further, “When I was about to proceed to
Nepala and India, I made the solemn vow not to come back
without seeing the Vajrasana. From the age of seventeen till
my fortyfifth year I made the solemn vow not to separate myself
from ink and pen. Now also I have several solemn vows (to
make), the solemn resolve to accumulate merit, 2 not to covet
riches, not to indulge in worldly activities, not to lend on profit
either grain, or a full measure 3 of gold, not to collect taxes
from the retinue, and not to boss people in adversity.”
Immediately after the end of the autumn term, the Dharmasva-
min left the great monastery (of Thari-po-che), and proceeded
to ’Ju’i-phu, and stayed in seclusion for three months at rGyal,
observing silence and meditating. Then interrupting his medi-
tation, he composed a commentary on the first chapter of the
Pradipodyotana . 4 The Dharmasvamin said, “The Tibetan Doc-
trine is not pure. Formerly the doctrine of Ha-£an Mahayana
spread. Now it is the same. In order to purify the Doctrine,
it would be good to preach the Madhyamika-Ratnavali . I should
preach it in winter to the assembly of monks at Than.”* The
1 . bLa-ma-lria-bcu-pa.
2 . dge-sbyor. (
3. bre.
4. Tg. rGyud, 1785.
5. Than-po-che.
XI VJ VISIT TO THAN-PO-CHE MONASTERY I09
Dharmasvamin himself translated every syllable of the Indian
original, and wrote it out in Tibetan, and added notes. In
winter the Dharmasvamin proceeded to Than-po-chc, and
preached the Pradlpodyplana 1 and the llaltiavali in the house of
Sud-ke, The kaly ana-mi Ira Rig-ral 2 made a request for these
books, and the Dharmasvamin gave them to him. During
the spring term the Dharmasvamin preached at rnDo-sde-phug
(name of a monastery near Lha-sa) . During the summer term
, the Dharmasvamin preached at the monastery of 'Khor-rdo
(near Lha-sa), and laid the foundation of an ecclesiastical palace
or bla-brah. The building was completed in two summers.
At that time each day he made the conch resound thirteen
times — the conch of the morning meal, the conch of the tea-
serving ceremony, the conch of the five daily religious classes,
the evening conch, the conch of the evening tea, and the conch
of the evening service. Each time a hundred monks, possessing
manuscript books , 3 offered him a mandala , 4 and (for th/s purpose)
they erected a hundred mandala stands. Then he received a
letter from the official of Phag-mo-gru, gShon-tshul, requesting
the Dharmasvamin not to stay at Thaii-po-che. During
the summer and winter terms he preached at Gun-thaii.
He meditated at ’Dren-phu-lhas-sdins. There he translated
the gTsug-lag-dgu’i-rgyud which was not translated into Tibetan,
He also meditated at O-dkar-brag of Byin. He spent five full
years in Yar-lun.
Chapter Fourteenth about the Dharmasvamin’s coming
to Thari-po-che.
1. SG on-gsal.
2. Rig Rigs-ral, Rig-pa’ i-ral-gri, a famous scholar and editor of the Tibe-
tan bsTan-’gyur.
3. dpe- t groms.
4,. Masalas are abodes of deities and are often offerred to high lamas
also as a mark of respect.
/Vvf.f’
CHAPTER XV
VISIT TO JU-PHU MONASTERY
Having been invited to ’Ju-phu by ’Ju-ha-sTon-pa-bdag, the
Dharmasvamin bestowed the initiation of the Guhyasamaja
composed by Nagarjuna. The Dharmasvamin erected a great
mandala of Vajradhatu , 1 and on the request of sTon-pa and his
retinue preached for ten days. He preached the Mahachittot-
pada rite and the abridged version of the Chittotpada (rite), as
well as preached extensively in an assembly. At the beginning of
a sermon he used to recite in Sanskrit a stolra to Manjughosha , 2
the bDud-tshar-bcod-pa’i-gzuris and a stotra to the Guru . 3 The
Dharmasvamin used to say, ‘'When preaching one should at
first recite each time the stotra to the Guru. This manner of
preahing should not be forgotten ! ” and recited each time a
\totra beginning with the words “ Guiu-sarana
Chapter Fifteenth (relating) the Dharmsavamin's visit to
’Ju’-phu.
1 . rDo-rjc-dbyins.
2. 'Jam-dbyaus-kyi-bstod-pa.
3. bLa-ma’i-bstod-pa.
CHAPTER XVI
DEATH OF DHARMASVAMIN
The Dharmasvamin preached extensively during the summer
and winter terms at Ra-gud. At that time his classes were at-
tended by a hundred monk-students possessing manuscript
books. After that the Dharmasvamin visited Sa-skya, and
presided there over a great religious assembly attended by all
monks. He bestowed initiations on the elder monks headed by
the Mahaguru Sar-pa. To some he administered the vows,
some he established in the Doctrine by giving them the Refuge
formula; he established laymen in abstinence and introduced
countless sentient beings to spiritual life. The Great Official
Sakya bzah-po and the Mahaguru Sar-pa honoured him
greatly and requested him to stay at Sa-skya, but the Dharrna-
svamin declined, saying, “Health permitting, I shall come again.
Now I must go to gRal.” Without stopping anywhere, the
Dharmasvamin proceeded to ITe’u-ra and held there a religous
assembly. He then distributed all the wealth accumulated by his
attendant dKon-mchog-dpal. He gave away some three hundred
plates filled with precious stones which sTon-pa Chos-rgyal had
sent. Such acts of his indicated his intention of passing away.
Here are the six signs which indicated that this manifestation of
the Buddha was about to leave (this world). Which are the six ?
As said in the M ahay dna-s a mgr aha , 1 “the sign of accomplishing
one’s mission, the sign of aversion to worldly well-being, the sign
of certitude in the existence of the Buddha, the sign of manifest-
ing joy, the sign of completing one’s acts, and the sign of quick
maturing (of karmic acts). These are the signs that a manifes-
tation of Buddha does not desire to remain (in this world)”.
Because of this, and for the sake of his disciples, the Dharmasva-
min lived for sixtyseven years, and passed away on the tenth day,
jvhich was an auspicious conjuction in the mansion of the 26th
constellation (Revati), on a Wednesday of the winter month
1. Theg-bsdus. Tg. Sems-tsam, 4048.
1 12 BIOGRAPHY OF DHARMASVAMIN [CH.
of Margasirsha (January) of the year Wood-Male— Ma use (1264
A. D. ). (His passing) was like the setting of the Sun, the Light
of the World. Clamours and quakes accompanied it, and all
the kingdom felt it. At ITe’u-ra they felt a perfume, unknown
before. Some heard heavenly music. At that time the Guru
and Dharmaraja ’Phags-pa was returning from China, and
on reaching ’Dam in the North, he was given a letter conveying
the news of the passing of the Guru Dharmasvamin
Chag lo-tsa-ba. The Dharmaraja (’Phags-pa) remained in
deep silence (lit. ’’plunged in the Vajropama-samadhi” ) ,
and shed tears. The Dharmaraja said, “In a letter I had suggest-
ed to the Dharmasvamin that either he should come to Mongolia,
or that I should return (to Tibet ) ; in reply the Dharmasvamin
wrote that in this life there was some doubt as to our meeting,
and that he was offering prayers that in future existences we should
meet again and again in a pure sphere. This is a sign that his
premonition had come true.” Before the news of the Dharma-
svamin’s passing had reached them, an aged sthavira of Bya-
mkhar, said, “Two Acharyas had said that the Dharmasvamin
had passed away when the sun had warmed up.” These two
Acharyas became known as a manifestation of the Dharma-
pala. On the day of the Dharmasvamin’s passing, all saw a
rain-bow of five colours over the palace roof. Though Lho-pa
Nam-mkha’-dpal had said that the Dharmasvamin’s health was
good, the appearance of numerous rainbows was not an auspicious
sign. On the day of worshipping the remains, the day was ob-
served to be longer than usual. A hermit who was daily reciting
the M anjusri-namassa ngii 1 on the mountain of sKu’e-ri, felt it and
recited the Namasarigiti thirty times more (than usual), and
it was observed that the day became longer by that much. Such
was the passing of the Dharmasvamin.
The Venerable One, on the mere seeing of whom faith was born,
Became invisible.
Like the reflexion of the Moon in water
Disappears when the water is poured out,
So disappeared the clear nectar of the gods,
He who had an answer to all questions,
XVI] DEATH OF DHARMASV AMIN II3
On doubtful points of the Doctrine, is no more.
On the 1 5th day of Pushya, 1 the seventh month, when the body
was being anointed, the sky cleared and the air was filled with
rain-bows and a shower of white flowers, similar to cups in shape,
fell. Some people were able to fill both their hands, but when
they opened their hands, the flowers had disappeared !
People continued to search for them thinking that they had fallen
on the ground. Some looked up towards the sky and got some
more. After three days, the lumps of ice (placed near the body)
melted, and extraordinary signs of the five Jinas appeared on the
remains. Later when the reemains were placed on view, three
bright rainbows, similar to a large banner spread upwards,
appeared above the palace. In the afternoon of the day of his
passing away, the Dharmasvamin observed, “On the bed in
front of me I see the Ten Wrathful Ones.” 2 The attendant
Acharya sTon-rin enquired, “What was it ?” The Dharmasva-
min replied, “They must have brought the masks of the Ten
Wrathful Ones to draw a painting 3 of them.” This indicated
that the Dharmasvamin had a vision of the Ten Wrathful Ones.
The Sixteenth Chapter on the passing of the Guru
Dharmasvamin Chag lo-tsa-ba.
1. rGyal.
2* Khrobo-bou.
3. bris-skti.
CHAPTER XVII
EPILOGUE OF THE AUTHOR
Though ignorant people, like myself,
Are unable to write about the perfection and utterances of
This Guru and Buddha,
This composition is in conformity with the Guru’s utterances.
Tolerant people will perceive the faults of this composition,
Through virtue, all sentient beings have found
A prominent Teacher,
Having studied the profound Truth contained in
The Treasury of Scriptures of the Jina on the Doctrine of Sunyata
And the formula of Dependent Origination,
And mastered it,
Let such beings attain Omniscience ! ”
This composition called “The String of the Pure Words of the
Guru”, containing the stream of the nectar of the utterances of
the Guru Dharmasvamin Chag lo-tsa-ba, free from the three
faults, was written by the Upasaka Chos-dpal dar-dpyan 1 at
’Ju’-phu, the place trodden by the feet of the Guru and Great
Lo-tsa-ba, on the exhortation of Ses-rab-dban-phyug, the
kalyana-mitra of Lho-pa, and others. This string of precious
and elegant words,
I offer as a necklace.
I offer it to all the kalyana-mitras and Tripitakadharas.
With veneration, pray tell it to others !
Mangalam.
*Ju-ba Chos-dar.
SUBJECT INDEX
TRANSLATION AND INTRODUCTIONS
BY THE GENERAL EDITOR
( Figures refer to pages )
AjStaiatru, king, 78
Amitabha, a Budhist deity, xxvi ; 82
Amoghapasa, Acharya, 51
Ananda, 77
Animesha Chaitya at Bodha-Ga\ a,
XXXV
Animal sacrifices, 96
AparSjita, a Tantrik deity, iii; 49
As oka
erects a temple at Bodha-Gaya, 63-6;
prediction about, 77 ;
sentences a monk to be boiled alive,
78 J
builds 10 million Stupas, 78 ;
recovers relics from Raj agriha, 78 ;
see also pp. 30, 65-6, xxxii, iii-xxxvi.
Asokachalla, king of Sapadalaksha,
xvi-viii ; xxii
Asvaghosha, works of, 107
Atisa, 55, 92
Aval ok ites vara, a Buddhist deity,
vii, x iii, xxvi, 54, 9 2
Bakhtiyar Khalji, xiv
Baro, wealthy people in Nepala, 101 ;
bkra-sisdga, fore-father of Dharma-
*v&min, 48
Blue Achala, iii, 51
Bodha-Gay 5
Its geography ; xxxi ;
Buddha temple at, ii, v, xii, xix ;
how the image at, was made ; xxxi ;
67-70 ; . , .
Buddha image damaged, xix; 70 ;
the height of the temple at, xxxii ;
xxxvi ; 66 ;
Bodhi-tree at, xxxii ; 65-66 ;
three gates to the establishment, 73 ;
Chamkramapa path at, xxxiii ;
railing at, xxxiv ; 70
Buddha foot-prints at — , xxxiv ; 71 ;
Dlpastambha at—, xxxiv ; 72
gate at — , xxxiv ; 72 ;
monasteries at — , xxxv ; 73 ;
S^pas, holy objects and Ghaityas at-,
xxxv-i ; 65 ; .
deserted at Dharmasvamtn s arrival,
b* j
Nagaraja at, 66 ;
tooth -relic at, 71 ;
\ isvavajra at, 66-7 ;
Tara temple at 73 ;
offering lamp at, 72
under the apprehension of a Mus-
lim at tack, xix ;
see also iii, vi, viii, xviii, xxxii, xxiii,
xxiv, xxviii-ix, xxxvii.
Bodha-Gaya inscription of Aioka-
challa, xvi ;
of Mahanaman, xxiii
Buddha, offers his body to tigress, 8i ;
Budhasena, king of Bodha-Gaya ;
his ancestry, xiv, 64 ;
flees to forest, xiv, 64 ;
returns to Bodha-Gaya, 64 ;
greets Dharmaswamin, 65 ;
supports Nalanda establishment, 90,
his insaiptions at Bodha-Gaya and
Janibigha, xv ;
sec also xi, xii, xvi, xviii
Budhasri, a monk, iii, xii, 51
Buddhism, condition of, xxii ;
rivalry between Hlnayana and
Mahayana, xxiv-v ;
its differences with Hinduism,
xxvi-vii.
Buddhist priests, their greed, 72
Bu-Kham, a Buddhist Vihara in
Nepala, 54
Ceylonese priests, in control of the
Bodha-Gaya temple, xxiii
Census in Tibet, 105
Chag-gron, birth place of Dharma-
svamin, 48
Chaglo-tsa-ba, translator, xxxix ;
qualifications of xxxix, 48
Chagelo-tsa-ba dgra — beam,
uncle and personal teacher of
Dharmasvamin, ii-iii ;
his scholarship and pilgrimage,
48 J 5 ° ;
lived between 1153-1216 A. D.
48 n.6 ;
urges Dharmas\ 5 min to go to India,
his exhortations to Dharmasv&min,
5 * ■
Chandragomin,
his grammar most popular, 85 ;
his controversy with Chant Irakirti,
9»‘92 ;
see also iv, xxiv, xx\i.
China, i
Chos-dar* biographer of Dharma-
svamin, xxxix ;
his tribute to Dharrnas\a;nin, 47 ;
114 ;
describes liis book as gurui'dgvitna-
laiali, suggesting that it was practi-
cally an autobiography, 47.
D&nasri ; a monk-scholar of Yarlung,
iii, x ;
highly honours Indian scholar-
ship, 105, 106.
Dancers and singers at Nalanda, 92-3.
Darma ’byun-gnas, father of Dharma-
s\amin, 49.
Devasthya, a legendary king, xiv ;
ancestor of Budhasena, civ-v.
Dhana-ba Vihara at Nalanda, xx, 91.
Dharmachakrapravartana Vihara at
Varanasi, 68.
Dharmadhatu Vihara, iv, 55.
Dharmakaya, 47.
Dharmasvamin —
description of his person and voice,
49 ;
manifested Body of Nirmai>aka>a,
47 ;
same as Chos-rje-dpal ;
importance of his biograph)', i-ii ;
other sources of biography, xl ;
its reliability, xii-xiii ;
how far autobiography, xxxix, 1 14 ;
his biographer, Upasaka Chos-dar ;
his birth date, xi ;
miracle at his birth, 49 ;
his father’s scholarship and worth,
49 ;
early education in Tibet under his
uncle ; iii ; xli ;
subjects studied by, iv ; 48 ; 50 ;
his studious habits, iv ;
his interest in Indian scholars, iv ;
his studies in gTsan for 10 years,
xli ; 52 ;
In Nepala for 8 years ; iv ; xli ;
gives up Tan trie practices, 56 ;
his itencry in India, vi ;
Indian trip of, encouraged and
discouraged, 52, 57 ;
his illnesses, vi, x ii, 97 ;
attacked by an impudent woman, 57 ;
difficulties encountered by, vii, viti ;
59 ;
first rainy season at Bodha-Gayft,
14 ;
studies GurupaHchdsikd at Nalandft,
viti ;
bids farewell to Nalanda, 97 ;
incidents in his return journey ;
viij-ix ;
attacked in boat by Muslim sol-
diers, 98 ;
falls ill at Simraongarh, 98-9 ;
MSS collected by in India and
Nepala, ix ;
spends 4 years at Yandog monastery,
viii-ix ;
at I-te-ura monastery for 23 years
with intervals, ix ;
visited stag-tshal of Yar-Lung, x ;
invited by Kublai-Khan, ix ; 104 ;
and by imperial envoys, 104 ;
at Than-po-Che in 1258, x; 107-9 ;
subjects of his lectures, x ; 107-9 ;
prayer before lecture, no ;
vows observed by, xi, 108-9 ;
lays foundation of an ecclesiastical
palace at Lhassa, x, 119 ;
gives all his wealth in charity, xi ;
dies in 1264, xi, 1x1-2 ;
regarded as manifestation of the
Buddha, iii ;
miracles at his death, 112-3 ;
author of 30 books, included in
bsTan-gyur, xi, xliii-xlv.
Dharmasvaminiri, teacher of Dhama-
svamin, 48.
dpal d Gra-can, a famous monas-
tery in Tibet, 48.
Dun Hill, xxix.
Fa Hian, i-ii, xiii ; xxiv ; xxxii.
Garigadcva, son of NSnyadeva, xiii.
Ganga, mortal remains thrown in,
xxviii, 58-9 ;
description of ; 63 ;
see also, vii, xxx ; 90 ; 98.
Ghiyas-ud-din, Sultan of Bengal, xiv.
Ghu-na-ba- Vihara, xx, 91.
gnal, a part of lower Tibet, 48 ; 105.
Grammar, study of, at N 2 land 2 , 95.
Gridhakuta,
infested by wild animals, vi Stupa
at, xxv ; xxix, xxxvi, 87-88.
Guhyasamaja, iv, xxvi ; 107 JIXO.
Gurughapld, v, xxiii.
Guruvagvimaldvali, name of the biogra-
phy, 47 *
H&ha T 5 r 2 , xxv ; 76.
Hayaghosha, AchSrya, 72.
Hills in N. Bihar, xxix.
Hinayana ; differences with Majhft-
yana, xxvi-vii ;
”7
its rivalry with Mahaydna, xxiv-v ;
its gibes at MahSyana, 74
Hinduisift and Buddhism ; differen-
ces between, xxvi-xxviii ;
temples of the one visited by the
followers of the other, xx\ii.
Ikhtiyar-ud-din, Muhammad, same
as Bakhtiyar Khalji, xi. •
Iltutmish, Slave emperor, xiv, xli.
India ; its reputation about scholar-
ship, 103 ; 106.
Indo-Tibetan intercourse, ii ; iii ; 103.
Indragnimitra, husband of Kurangi,
xxxiv.
Interpreter, profession of, iii ; 51.
Ite-ura monastery ; Dharmasvamin’s
monastery in Tibet, x, viii, ix
returns there after 24 years, 104 ;
place of Dharmasvamin’s death,
xiii ; Dharmasvamin’s tapasya at 51.
see also pp. viii-x.
Itsing, i-ii ; xiii.
Janibigha inscription of Jayascna,
xv, xvi.
Jayadeva, a lay disciple, alerts Nalan-
da, xxiii ; 90 ; 93-4 ;
see also xxi ; xxvi ; xxvii.
Jajasena, father of king Budhasena
of Bodha-Gaya, xv.
Jriananatha, temple of, at Na lands, xx;
image of, 91 ;
his miraculous powers, xxi ; 93-4 ;
the Muslim soldier dishonouring him,
dies, 94.
Ju-phu monastery, preserved the bio-
graphy xl ;
situated in Yar-Kluns, 50 n.8 ;
Dharmasvamin’s visit to, no, 114.
Kail, makes Kalidasa wise, 82-4.
KalidSsa, legend about, 82-4 ;
see also iv, vi, xii.
Kalipa grammar, attributed to
Kalidasa, xii, 85
Kamalaslla, author of Bhdvandkrama ,
10 .
K areata dynasty, xii.
Khasarpana Avalokiteivara,
at Nalanda, 91 ;
see also pp. iii, xxiv, xx\i.
Khubilai Khan, same as Kublai Khan,
xliii, 104.
Kublai Khan,
invites DharmasvSmln ; ix ; xi;
same as Khan Khubilai, 104,
Kuraftgi queen, builds the railing at
Bodha-Gaya, xxxiv.
Kusumapura, same as Pa (aliputra, 77.
Lakshmana Sam vat, xi, xv-xvii ;
not used by any Sena king, xvi ;
k ~Vidy 3 vinoda on, xvii.
Lhassa:
Sakamuni temple at, ix ;
see also p. iii.
Libraries, destruction of, iii.
Magadha,
reverence for, xxx; 62;
1512 villages in, xxx; 87;
dimensions of, 63 ;
Buddhist and Hindu temples in,
81-2
see also, vi, vii, ix; xx; 81; 95; 97-8.
Mahabodhi Sangharama, xxxv, 48.
Mahabodhi temple, xxii, xxiii, xxiv,
xxxi, xxxii, xxxvi.
Mahabodhi image, 64 ; 65 ; 67 ; 73.
Mahadeva, 82.
Mahayana, gibes of, at HinaySna, 75.
Mahesvara, image of, xxvii ;
concedes superioority of Buddhism,
67-8 ;
see also p. xxxi.
Mahjughosha, 91-2.
Manjusri image at Nalanda, 91-2,
M anjusri-mula -tantra , 80.
Mangul, Yan-Dog monastery in, 103.
Mara, xxx.
Mithila, xiii ; xxviii.
Muslim invasions, effects of, v;
xviii-xxi ;
precautions against, at Simraongarh,
xiv ;
at Vaisali, 61-2 ;
at Bodha-Gaya, 64 ;
Muslim soldiers attack DharmasvS-
min, 98.
Nagarjuna, builds stone railing at
Bodha-Gaya ; xxxiv, 65-66 ; 70;
see also 49 J 54 J 5 6 ; 94 i i°7 \ 1
Nairanjana river, xxix ; 82.
Nalanda, derivation of, xxx\ ii ; 48 ;
5° i
70 students at, in 1235 * V1 > xx *
its condition during 1206 to 1234,
xix ;
two Viharas in serviceable condi*
tion, 91 ;
why not completely destroyed, xx ;
monks flee away, 94 ;
final destruction of, xxi; 94;
temples and monasteries at, xxvi ;
xxxvii : 90-1 ;
easy life at, xxvi ; 92-3 ;
illness of DharmasvSmin at, 95*7 ;
see also i-ii ; v-vi ; viii ; 85-6.
Nanyadeva, xiii, xxix ; xxx.
Narasimhadeva, Karnata king, xiv,
NSropa, a Tantrik Siddha, xxv ;
living near NSlanda, 85.
NepSla :
DharmasvSmin in, iv-v ; 53-6, ;
Svayambhu Chaitya in, 53 ;
Bukham Vihara in, 53 ;
’I ham Vihara in, 53 ;
Dharmasvamin returns to, viii-ix ;
Nepalese in Pata, 101 ;
forming part of Karnata Kingdom,
xxix ;
see also, xxx ; 71 3 95 ; 96 ; 99 ;
102 5 108.
Odantapurl ; xxvii,
same as Bihar Sharif ; xx ; xxviii ;
headquarters of Muslim comman-
der, xliii.
Orthography of the MS, xl.
Pan-eating in India and Nepala,
xxviii ; 96-7.
Palaeography of the MS, xl.
Pa-ta, same as Simraongarh,
palace and fortifications at, xxx ;
see also vii ; xiii ; 58 ; 59; 98;
1 00- 1
Phulahari, hermitage of NSropa at, 85
Pithi, same as Bodh-Gaya, xv.
Prakhyatakirti, a scion of Royal
family of Lartka, xxiii.
Priests, Buddhist, greediness of, xxiii ;
not taking wine but pomegranate
juice, 97.
Purnavarman repairs railing round
Bodhi tree, xxxiii.
Purushottam Sirhha, xviii.
Rahula, same as Rahula-Sri-Bhadra
Rahula-Sri-Bhadra, head abbot at
Nalanda, ii ; viii ; xx, xxi, xxii;
ninety years old, vi ;
specialist in grammar and Tibcto-
logy, vi ;
amenities for, xxvi, 90-1 ;
Taranatha on, xliii
see also ii, viii, xxi, xxvii.
Rajagriha ;
Buddha relics at, 78-9 ;
600 houses at, xxxvi ; 89 ;
hot springs at, 89 ;
Veluvana at, 89 ;
see also vi, viii, xxii ; xxiv, xxxi; 69.
RSmasimha, a Karf, 3 ta king, vii, xi,
xii; xiii-xiv ; xxvii; xxix, xxx;
gives several presents to Dharma-
svamin and offers him his priest-
hood, 100.
Ramasimhadeva, same as Ramasim-
ha, xiii .
Ratnarakshita, a Tantrik, Guru of
Dharmasvamin, iv-v, 53-4 .
Ratnairf, a monk, iii, 51-2.
Rathayitra of Buddhist images, xxiv,
54 - 5 l
how it differed from Hindu Ratha-
xxi v ; 55 ;
of Manjuirl, 92.
Ratnagfiha Chaitya, at Bodha-GayS
xxxv.
Raltiavali , ascribed to NSgarjuna, «>6.
Ravindra,
a Guru of Dharmasvamin ; not a
Tantric, iv-v ; siii, 54
encourages Dharmas\ amin’s pilgri-
mage to India, 57 ;
urges him to stay at Yan-dog, 101 ;
regarded teacher and pupil as
father and son, xxvii .
Remata, a Tantric deity, iii.
Remati, Tantric goddess, 49
Rishishirsha hill, xxix ; 57 ; 61.
Rukn-ud-din, weak emperor at Delhi,
xiv.
£ar-pa, Chief abbot at Sa-skya ;
invites Dharmasvamin, iii.
Sam vara temple at Nalanda, xxvi ; 48
Samudragupta, xxiii.
Sakyarnuni temple, at Lhassa, ix ;
, 7* ; 105.
Sakyasri, a monk, 111 ; 51 ; 99.
Sanyasins, honoured, xxiii.
Sasauka, xxxiii.
Sa-skya monastery, Dharmas\ 5 min
at, ix ; x, xiii ; 101 ; 1 11 ;
asks for a commentary on the
Ndmasamglti 102-3.
Simaramagarh, same as Pa-ta or
Simraongarh, xxx, xiii.
Simraongarh,
Dharmasvamin at, vii ; xiii-xiv ;
its fortifications and population ;
5 8 ;
same as Simaramagarh, xxx.
Sitvavana monastery, xxxvii ; 85.
Somanatha,
temple of, xxvi, 82 ;
image of, miraculously split, 82 ;
animal offerings to, 82.
Somes vara, xxix.
So-rtsi, 97.
‘Stage’, length of, xxviii.
Sugar, raw, manufactured in Tirhut,
58.
SuVarnadvipa, 78.
Svayambhu Chaitya,
in Nepala, iv ; 53-4;
Ratnarakshita installs images at,
54 ; 56*
Tantric practices,
in Buddhism, iii, xxv-vi ;
Dharmasvamin gives them up, 56.
Tara :
temple of, at Bodha-Gayi, 65 575;
laughing, 75.6 ;
without ornaments, 92-3.
Teacher : his relations with the sfu*
”9
dent, xxvii.
Thanpo-che monastery in Tibet,
107-9 ;
subjects taught at, by Dharma-
svamin, 107-8
Thani vihara in Ncpala, miraculous
light at, 55.
Tibet, intercourse with, i-iii ; iv,
xiii J 97 i 99 ; 10 5 *
Tirhut, dimensions of, xxxi ; 57.
Dharmasvarnin in, 57-60 ;
see also v, vii,iii ; xxvii-viii ; 52, 98.
Udayatrl records from Siiiihala, xxiii.
Untouchability, xxvii ; 85-6,
Vagisvara, 80.
Vaisali :
semi-deserted, xxx ;
Dharmasvarnin at, 61-2 ; 63 ;
see also xix, xxviii, xxix-xxx.
Vajraghanta, bell with handle, 53.
Vajrasana temple, iii, v ; viii ; xii ;
xxix ; xxxiii ; xxxvii ; 48 ; 51-2 ;
61-65 ; 71 ; 81-2 ; 86 ; 90 ; 97 ;
108.
Varanasi, xxxi, 69.
Vararuchi, legend about, 83.
Varlula script, iv.
Vcluvana Vihara at Rajagriha, xii ;
Vixxxvi ; 68 ; 69 ; 78 ; 79 ;
kramasila,
a I i be tan as Dvarapardita at, xl ;
its destruction, xliii ; 64 ;
sec also, i-11 ; viii ; xix.
Viravapa, a Tantric-Siddha, xxvi ;
82.
Visvavajra at Bodha-Gaya, xxxii-iii ;
66-7.
Vivarta script, 50.
Wine, not taken by Buddist monks, 97.
Yandog monastery —
on the border of Tibet and India,
viii-ix ;
also known as Yar-kluns, xl ;
honours Dharmasvarnin, 102 ;
laymen at, give several presents
to Dharmasvarnin, 102-4.
Yar-lung monastery —
Dharmasvarnin spends five years
at, 109.
Yasomitra, an Indian Guru of Dharma-
svainin at Rajgir, vi, viii, 89.
Yojana, its length, xxxi.
Yuan Chwang, i ; ii ; iv ; xiii ; xxxi ;
xxxii ; xxxiii ; xxxv ; xxxvi.
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